This thesis examines the relationship between conflict and violence in the Deep South of Thailand and the political participation of people in the conflict areas by focusing on both electoral and non-electoral modes of participation. In this thesis, we hypothesized that first, conflict leads to a greater desire for peaceful political participation. Second, people in a conflict zone are more likely to participate in politics in other forms, including electoral and non-electoral ways. Third, there is a relationship between level of violence and level of political participation: the same concerns that lead to violence also lead to participation; people’s experiences of the conflict and violence have an additional impact on their desire for political participation, thus, high levels of violence correlate with high levels of peaceful participation. Fourth, a weak civil society failing to promote popular interests and resist state domination will lead to more conflict. Finally, a strong state preventing demands and closing channels for peaceful political participation will lead to more conflict.

In this thesis, we explore political participation through three channels; 1) political participation through elections which includes political participation of both voters and politicians in parliamentary, senate, and local elections, 2) political participation through the state which focuses on three main state actors, security officials, justice officials, and local authorities, and 3) political participation through civil society, examining five different groups of civil society actors, including the youth, women, business, religious leaders, and the media. Following this, the thesis draws a comparison among three different levels of conflict areas, which are non violence, low violence, and high violence conflict areas in This thesis examines the relationship between conflict and violence in the Deep South of Thailand and the political participation of people in the conflict areas by focusing on both electoral and non-electoral modes of participation. In this thesis, we hypothesized that first, conflict leads to a greater desire for peaceful political participation. Second, people in a conflict zone are more likely to participate in politics in other forms, including electoral and non-electoral ways. Third, there is a relationship between level of violence and level of political participation: the same concerns that lead to violence also lead to participation; people’s experiences of the conflict and violence have an additional impact on their desire for political participation, thus, high levels of violence correlate with high levels of peaceful participation. Fourth, a weak civil society failing to promote popular interests and resist state domination will lead to more conflict. Finally, a strong state preventing demands and closing channels for peaceful political participation will lead to more conflict.

In this thesis, we explore political participation through three channels; 1) political participation through elections which includes political participation of both voters and politicians in parliamentary, senate, and local elections, 2) political participation through the state which focuses on three main state actors, security officials, justice officials, and local authorities, and 3) political participation through civil society, examining five different groups of civil society actors, including the youth, women, business, religious leaders, and the media. Following this, the thesis draws a comparison among three different levels of conflict areas, which are non violence, low violence, and high violence conflict areas in Pattani and Songkhla, in order to discover if there are any linkages between the levels of conflict in the Deep South and the level of political participation of people in the region. In this thesis, we see that conflict can be seen as a form of participation, albeit a violent form. The conflict and violence creates a greater desire for people to be more active in politics through peaceful means as they seek to reduce suffering from the insurgent violence. This study finds that people in the conflict areas of the Deep South are more likely to participate through many channels when they perceive incentives are high enough to overcome risks. The thesis reveals that the levels of violence and levels of some forms of political participation are correlated: the more frequent the violent incidents, the higher the level of voter turnout. The roles of civil society are also increasing in the Deep South, even though many CSO activities are controlled by the state. State control, through either funding or coercion, decreases meaningful participation and makes some participation with the state illegitimate, for many in the Deep South. When people realize that their participation is not free will, they may turn to violence as they think it is the only means to resist and freely express their opposing political views. However, other people participate, despite state control, because participation can be a useful tool for challenging and resisting the state, but in peaceful way.