THE INFLUENCE OF CULTURE ON PARENTING PRACTICES AND 
CHILDREN’S SOCIAL COMPETENCE: A MULTIPLE CASE STUDY 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
A thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the Degree of Master of Arts in Child and 
Family Psychology 
 
 
 
 
 
Gabrielle Mulder 
University of Canterbury 
2019 
 
 
Supervisors:  
Dr Cara Swit  
Associate Professor Sonja Macfarlane  
  
	 i	
Table of Contents 
 
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... vii	
Abstract ................................................................................................................................. viii	
Chapter One: Introduction ..................................................................................................... 1	
Defining Parenting ................................................................................................................. 2	
Defining Culture .................................................................................................................... 4	
Parenting and Culture ............................................................................................................ 6	
New Zealand Context ............................................................................................................ 7	
Research Aims ....................................................................................................................... 9	
Chapter Two: Literature Review ......................................................................................... 12	
Parenting Practices and Children’s Behaviour .................................................................... 12	
Maternal vs. paternal parenting. ....................................................................................... 13	
Intergenerational parenting. ............................................................................................. 15	
Cultural influences. .......................................................................................................... 19	
New Zealand European Families ......................................................................................... 21	
Māori Families ..................................................................................................................... 22	
Asian Families ..................................................................................................................... 25	
Chinese families. .............................................................................................................. 25	
Indian families. ................................................................................................................ 27	
Theoretical Models .............................................................................................................. 28	
Social Learning Theory. ................................................................................................... 29	
Ecological Perspective Theory. ....................................................................................... 30	
Ethnic Equivalence Model. .............................................................................................. 31	
Cultural Values Model. .................................................................................................... 31	
The Ecocultural Framework. ........................................................................................... 32	
Rationale .............................................................................................................................. 33	
Research Questions .............................................................................................................. 34	
	 ii	
Chapter Three: Methodology ............................................................................................... 35	
Participants ........................................................................................................................... 35	
Recruitment .......................................................................................................................... 35	
Ethics .................................................................................................................................... 38	
Setting for Data Collection .................................................................................................. 38	
Measures .............................................................................................................................. 39	
Parenting Practices Questionnaire (PPQ). ....................................................................... 39	
Social Competence Scale – Parent (P-COMP). ............................................................... 41	
Interview. ......................................................................................................................... 42	
Design .................................................................................................................................. 43	
Procedure ............................................................................................................................. 44	
Data Analysis ....................................................................................................................... 45	
Quantitative data. ............................................................................................................. 45	
Research Questions .......................................................................................................... 47	
Qualitative data. ............................................................................................................... 47	
Research Question ........................................................................................................... 48	
Chapter Four: Results ........................................................................................................... 49	
Demographic Information .................................................................................................... 50	
Quantitative Results ............................................................................................................. 52	
Research Question One ........................................................................................................ 52	
1. What types of parenting practices do mothers and fathers use and is this associated 
with their child social’s competence? .............................................................................. 52	
1a) What are the types of parenting practices used by mothers and fathers? .................. 52	
1b) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting 
practices? .......................................................................................................................... 53	
1c) What are parents’ perceptions of their child’s social competence? ........................... 55	
1d) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ interpretation of 
their child’s social competence? ...................................................................................... 55	
	 iii	
1e) Is there a relationship between parenting practices and their children’s social 
competence? ..................................................................................................................... 57	
1f) Is there a relationship between mothers’ and fathers’ reported parenting practices and 
their child’s social competence? ...................................................................................... 59	
Research Question Two ....................................................................................................... 60	
2. Are there differences in the types of parenting practices used the three dominant 
cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? ..................................................................... 60	
Research Question Three ..................................................................................................... 62	
3. Do parents’ perceptions of children’s social behaviours differ among the three 
dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? ..................................................... 62	
Qualitative Results ............................................................................................................... 65	
Research Question Four ....................................................................................................... 65	
4. How does culture impact parenting practices among the three dominant cultural 
groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? ................................................................................... 65	
Universal Theme .................................................................................................................. 66	
Similarities Across Cultures ................................................................................................ 68	
New Zealand European and Asian. .................................................................................. 68	
Māori and Asian. .............................................................................................................. 69	
New Zealand European and Māori. ................................................................................. 71	
Differences Between Cultures ............................................................................................. 72	
New Zealand European. ................................................................................................... 72	
Māori. ............................................................................................................................... 74	
Asian. ............................................................................................................................... 77	
Chapter Five: Discussion ....................................................................................................... 83	
Mothers’ and Fathers’ Parenting Practices and Children’s Social Competence .................. 83	
The Role of Culture on Parenting Practices ......................................................................... 86	
Routine-based parenting. ................................................................................................. 86	
Parenting practices. .......................................................................................................... 87	
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Cultural practices and cultural identity. ........................................................................... 90	
Importance of family/whānau. ......................................................................................... 92	
The Role of Culture on Children’s Social Competence ....................................................... 95	
Implications for the New Zealand Population ..................................................................... 96	
Strengths of the Study .......................................................................................................... 97	
Limitations ........................................................................................................................... 98	
Future Research ................................................................................................................... 99	
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 100	
References ............................................................................................................................. 102	
Appendix A: Advertisement Flyer ..................................................................................... 108	
Appendix B: Information Sheet – Parents ........................................................................ 109	
Appendix C: Ethics Approval ............................................................................................. 112	
Appendix D: Consent Form – Parents ............................................................................... 113	
Appendix E: Parenting Practices Questionnaire .............................................................. 115	
Appendix F: Social Competence Scale – Parent Form ..................................................... 117	
Appendix G: Interview Questions ...................................................................................... 118	
 
  
	 v	
List of Tables  
 
Table 1: Demographic Information ......................................................................................... 36 
Table 2: Family Profiles ........................................................................................................... 37 
Table 3: Interview Questions ................................................................................................... 43 
Table 4: Independent and Dependent Variables ...................................................................... 46 
Table 5: Statistical Analysis Plan ............................................................................................ 47 
Table 6: Data Analysis Plan ..................................................................................................... 48 
Table 7: Research Questions for Quantitative and Qualitative Data ....................................... 50 
Table 8:  Descriptive Statistics for Parenting Type and Parenting Practices ........................... 54 
Table 9: Descriptive Statistics for Parenting Type and Children's Social Competence .......... 56 
Table 10: Correlation of Parenting Style and Children's Social Competence ......................... 57 
Table 11: Correlation of Mothers’ and Fathers’ Reported Parenting Style and Child Social 
Competence .............................................................................................................................. 59 
Table 12: Descriptive Statistics for Cultural Group and Parenting Style ................................ 61 
Table 13: Descriptive Statistics for Culture and Children's Social Competence ..................... 63 
 
  
	 vi	
List of Figures 
Figure 1: Types of Parenting Styles used by Mothers and Fathers .......................................... 53 
Figure 2: Mothers’ and Fathers’ Perceptions of their Child's Social Competence .................. 55 
Figure 3: Similarities and Differences of Parenting Practices Across Cultures ...................... 65 
  
	 vii	
Acknowledgements 
	
 
To my supervisors, Dr Cara Swit and Associate Professor Sonja Macfarlane, I can not thank 
you enough for the expertise and guidance you provided me during this process. Cara, I have 
thoroughly enjoyed having you as a supervisor. You did a fantastic job of making me feel 
capable of this achievement, and I am so grateful for your ongoing support that you showed 
me right up until the end of this thesis. Sonja, I feel honoured to have a second supervisor 
such as yourself. Thank you for taking the time to meet with me and providing your 
undeniable expertise in the area of cultural competency.  
 To all of the families who participated in my study, I am very thankful for the time 
and effort you made to meet with me and discuss aspects of your personal lives. This thesis 
would not have been possible without your immense generosity.   
To my partner Simon, thank you for all the continuing love and support during times 
of stress, and I appreciate the time you took to encourage me to take breaks and time out for 
myself.  
To my fabulous friend and flatmate Carley, I will forever remember this journey as 
one we shared together. Whether it was the many snacks we consumed, or the dozens of 
procrastination shopping trips we took, I couldn’t have asked for a better person to lean on.  
To my family, thank you for checking up on me and encouraging me to stick at it, and 
reminding me that this will one day resemble a finished product.   
Lastly, thank you to all of the CFPY girls for the ongoing encouragement. To you 
girls who are just beginning their theses, I look forward to returning the favour.   
 
	  
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Abstract 
Across the literature in Aotearoa New Zealand, there are no known research studies that have 
explored the influence of culture on parenting practices and children’s social competence 
among the three dominant cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand; New Zealand European, Māori 
and Asian (Chinese and Indian). Therefore, this study aimed to investigate whether culture 
influences parenting practices, and how these parents view their 3 to 6-year-old children’s 
social competence. Eight families (16 mothers and fathers) responded to two questionnaires; 
one about their parenting practices and the other about their child’s social competence. 
Mothers and fathers were also interviewed about their understanding of culture, and how 
their understanding may influence their parenting. For the questionnaire data, the results 
demonstrated that mothers’ and fathers’ reports were similar in regards to their child’s social 
competence, and parent’s reports on their child’s social competence did not differ 
significantly between cultural groups. In regards to the qualitative data, results showed that 
all three cultural groups believed that routine-based parenting was important for parenting 
their child. Additionally, it was found that New Zealand European, Chinese and Indian 
parents all used firmer parenting practices than Māori parents. Chinese, Indian and Māori 
parents also expressed the importance of having a close connection with wider 
family/whānau, particularly in comparison to New Zealand European parents. A key finding 
of this study was the importance of culture with all parents from each cultural group 
acknowledging the important and unique role that culture plans in their parenting. This was 
articulated wonderfully by a Māori/NZ European father and summarises the thoughts of the 
other parents who participated in this study. 
“I think that all New Zealander’s, whether they identify as European or Māori or whatever, should 
see things like te reo as Tanga that they have some responsibility for fostering because it doesn’t live 
anywhere else. Particularly, if you identify as Māori, it’s something that you have responsibility for 
nurturing and exploring in yourself and your children” (Family 5, Father, Māori/New Zealand 
European). 
 
	 1	
Chapter One: Introduction 
Parenting has previously been referred to as one of the most challenging tasks to 
effectively undertake, due to the immense pressure surrounding parents to nurture and raise 
independent and competent children who are important members of society (Pedro, Altafim, 
& Linhares, 2017). Morning, night, and every hour in between, parents are experiencing the 
rewards and discouragements that are inevitable during parenthood. Majority of the previous 
research on parenting attempts to better understand whether there is a such a thing as a ‘best 
way’ to parent (Marcone, Affuso, & Borrone, 2017; Otto et al., 2016). However, the more we 
explore parenting practices, the more we are beginning to understand the different factors that 
might influence one’s parenting practices. In order for us to continue to work towards a more 
comprehensive understanding about effective parenting practices, we need to consider the 
influential factors of parenting a child. These factors may include, but are not limited to, the 
parent’s own childhood experiences, or parent’s personal values for parenting their child. 
Examining these factors allow for meaningful comparisons to be made between parents, and 
give justification as to why parenting can vary so considerably. Another factor that has the 
potential to demonstrate similarities and differences among parents is culture. Culture’s 
ability to shape parenting practices stems from the actions and behaviours of past generations 
becoming embedded and forming the normal. Differences in parenting and understanding the 
practices and behaviours that are classified as normal across cultures is what drives the 
present study. Whilst parenting practices, styles and behaviours are often considered 
important in contributing to children’s social and non-social behaviours (Gryczkowski, 
Jordan, & Mercer, 2018; Marcone et al., 2017; Salari et al., 2014), the inclusion of culture as 
an overarching influential factor for both parenting practices and children’s social behaviours 
is less explored.  
 
	 2	
Defining Parenting 
Parenting refers to the education, development and protection of one or more children 
in order to positively impact their personal developmental trajectories (McWayne, Mattis, & 
Hyun, 2017; Pedro et al., 2017). Parents are responsible for the health, safety and 
socialisation of their children until they are old enough to live without parental supervision 
(Jaffe, 1991). Parents are often defined by their biological relation to the child, whereby the 
parents are the mother and father who share genetic material with their children. However, 
parents can also refer to other biological and non-biological family members, including 
grandparents, aunties/uncles, step-parents or foster parents. For the purpose of this thesis, 
parenting will refer to the conventional definition, whereby the study will include the 
biological mothers and fathers.  
From 0 to 6 years of age, children are beginning to form important developmental 
processes, including self-regulation and emotional competence (Housman, Denham, & 
Cabral, 2018) . The development of self-regulation refers to children’s ability to exhibit 
control over their everyday social behaviours, such as understanding and expressing emotions 
in an appropriate manner across all settings. Parenting practices play a large part in the types 
of behaviours children on daily basis, particularly during this important developmental time-
period of 0 to 6 years of age (Kao, Nayak, Doan, & Tarullo, 2018). 
Parenting practices refer to the specific behaviours and approaches a parent uses 
during a child’s development (Gryczkowski et al., 2018). Parenting practices can be both 
positive and negative for a child’s development, depending on the strategies used. Positive 
parenting practices include the warm, encouraging, supportive and responsive strategies 
which allow for more positive developmental outcomes in children, including higher school 
grades, better mental health, higher social competence and increased self-esteem (Amato & 
Fowler, 2002; Clauss-Ehlers, 2017). In comparison, negative parenting practices include 
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physiological control, demandingness, hostility and harsh punishment. These practices have 
the potential to negatively impact children’s developmental outcomes have been associated 
with externalising problems, peer relation difficulties and lower self-concept (Bhide, 
Sciberras, Anderson, Hazell, & Nicholson, 2017; Wolford, Cooper, & McWey, 2018). In 
addition to parenting practices, there is the concept of parenting styles (Amato & Fowler, 
2002).  
Parenting styles represent the broader patterns of parenting practices, and have been 
described as the emotional climate in which parents use differing levels of responsiveness 
and demandingness (Spera, 2005). Previous research has shown that parenting styles are 
significantly associated with children’s developmental outcomes, such as children’s 
developmental outcomes such as children’s social and non-social behaviours (Hart, Newell, 
& Olsen, 2003). There are four key parenting styles which all represent the varying levels of 
responsiveness and demandingness of parenting; authoritative (responsive and demanding), 
authoritarian (unresponsive and demanding), permissive (responsive and undemanding), and 
neglectful (unresponsive and undemanding) (Spera, 2005). The authoritarian parenting style 
is often associated with positive adjustments in children, such as having the ability to regulate 
emotions in a positive way and have an increased sense of autonomy. By contrast, the 
authoritarian parenting style is related to more maladaptive behaviours, such as negative peer 
affiliation, low self-esteem and poor school achievement. Lastly, the permissive parenting 
style has shown to be related to negative coping skills and difficulty respecting others (Hart et 
al., 2003; Marcone et al., 2017). However, these parenting styles are not to be considered in 
isolation of one another, as different elements of each parenting style may be used in 
different situations. This flexibility also attributes to the variability of parenting styles among 
different cultures, as cultural norms have a substantial impact on the types of parenting styles 
that are displayed by parents (Lansford et al., 2018). 
	 4	
 
Defining Culture  
Every culture is characterized by the deeply rooted ideologies and beliefs about how 
we need to act, feel and think as functioning members of the culture (Bornstein, 2012). 
Variances in behaviours and thoughts may be due to the differentiating idea of what is normal 
for a particular cultural group. Culture can be defined as the unique and differentiating 
patterns of attitudes, behaviours and symbols that are shared by a group of people that help to 
regulate their daily living. These attitudes, behaviours and symbols also provide a bases for 
forming a sense of cultural identity within a particular cultural group (Shiraev & Levy, 2017). 
First, attitudes include the particular shared beliefs (religious, political, ideological and 
moral), values, general knowledge and opinions. Secondly, behaviours refer to the culturally 
defined norms, traditions, habits and customs that are unique to each cultural group. Lastly, 
symbols represent a specific meaning and may be passed on to the next generation. Such 
symbols may include a material object, colour, a slogan, a sound or something else of 
significance to that particular cultural group (Shiraev & Levy, 2017). For example, a piece of 
land might mean very little to one group of people, but for another group of people, the piece 
of land is of great significance because of its symbol of unity and glory (Shiraev & Levy, 
2017). Whether you are raised in a city, town or small village, in a snowy or humid climate, 
people learn how to adapt and understand the events around them according to the wishes of 
their parents, cultural constructions, social requirements and traditions of past ancestors 
(Shiraev & Levy, 2017). Thus, differences across cultures and their perspectives on human 
life provide a basis in which to compare them.  
Culture encompasses a “pattern of meanings”, which have been passed down over 
time (Griswold, 2008). In this way, human life changes depending on cultural norms and the 
extent to which it changes or remains the same over generations. Parents may choose to pass 
	 5	
down traditions and beliefs onto their children, as a way to maintain and preserve the 
important customs from their own upbringing. However, some parents may believe that 
passing on these customs from their own cultural upbringing is not an important value, and 
new traditions and beliefs may be generated. Unfortunately, in some circumstances, changes 
in traditions and beliefs are involuntary. Throughout history, colonisation has impacted the 
foreign-born individuals who were the first to settle in a particular country. Over time, the 
effects of colonisation have had the potential to lead to both acculturation and assimilation 
among minority cultures (Hill, Lau, & Sue, 2010). Acculturation refers to the psychological 
change that occurs during the process of forming a new cultural identity, due to the dominant 
host culture inflicting a larger influence over the minority culture. In contrast, assimilation 
refers to the way people inherit the social and psychological characteristics of the dominant 
group, losing their more traditional identity in the process (Hill et al., 2010). Some of the 
changes that can occur among the minority culture include customs, diets, language, 
healthcare, clothing and religious practices in order to align more closely to the dominant 
culture. These changes have the potential to alternate the types of practices that were once 
customary to a particular culture, which may then see patterns of behaviours merge and 
overlap with practices of the dominant culture.  
Culture and one’s cultural identity embodies a significant portion of how society is 
constructed and how individuals construct themselves. Whilst one’s ability to practice aspects 
of their cultural identity is easily recognised and distinguishable, some practices may be more 
elusive. For instance, it has been shown that parents from different cultures conduct their 
parenting in vastly different ways, yet it is not always strictly identifiable. It is believed that 
culture provides an important understanding for the variations of parenting practices in 
society and is worth exploring further.   
 
	 6	
Parenting and Culture  
Cultural variations of parenting and child-rearing practices have been shown to exert 
a significant influence on young children’s emotional, mental and social development 
(Bornstein, Putnick, & Lansford, 2011). Children’s immediate and wider social networks 
vary from culture to culture, which then influences various socialization and enculturation 
patterns (Bornstein et al., 2011). Different cultural groups possess unique beliefs and 
approaches to their parenting and culture is maintained by influencing parental cognitions 
that shape parenting practices. Bornstein (2012) uses the example of language, where some 
cultures will see their infants as “comprehending interactive partners” (p.213), and will speak 
to their infants daily even before the infants have produced any language of their own. 
However, in some other societies, speaking to infants before they are able to speak 
themselves is seen as nonsensical.  
As discussed by Rubin and Chung (2006), cross-cultural comparisons show that 
nearly all aspects of parenting are informed by culture. For instance, it has been noted that 
culture shapes parents’ expectations of their children far more than other factors, such as 
advice from other parents and friends and comparing their children to other children (Rubin 
& Chung, 2006). Differences in the ideology of culture make for subtle, but significant 
differences in the patterns of parent-child interactions (Rubin & Chung, 2006). For example, 
when asked to describe an ideal child, European American mothers emphasized 
independence, assertiveness and creativity. In comparison, Latin American mothers 
emphasized the importance of respect of others and obedience. These differences in cultural 
expectations and ideals are telling of the types of practices that parents will implement when 
parenting their children.  
As culture embodies generations of attitudes, behaviours and beliefs, parenting across 
cultures has the potential to be influenced by the many practices used by other family 
	 7	
members in the past. Parents learn a great deal of knowledge about parenting from their 
upbringing (Neppl, Conger, Scaramella, & Ontai, 2009) and it is possible that the learned 
cultural aspects of parenting are no different. It is important to recognise the influential factor 
of generational influences on culture and parenting, as it has allowed for unique patterns of 
parenting behaviours to continue and progress. Additionally, these parenting behaviours 
allow for variations in children’s behaviour, which help to define culture and the transmission 
of cultural practices across generations. 
 
New Zealand Context  
In 1840, the British Crown and Māori chiefs signed a treaty to allow the British 
settlers and the native Māori population to live together under common law and agreements. 
In the present day, nearly three-quarters of the Aotearoa New Zealand population identify as 
New Zealand European (74%) (New Zealand Statistics, 2014). In comparison, the next major 
ethnic group identify as Māori, making up 14.9% of the population. Whilst Aotearoa New 
Zealand is referred to as a bicultural nation, there are a number of other ethnic groups that 
have immigrated to Aotearoa New Zealand over the years. For instance, the latest census data 
collected in 2013 indicated that 11.8% of the population identified as one or more Asian 
ethnic groups, with the top two Asian demographics in New Zealand identifying as Chinese 
(36.3%) and Indian (32.9%) (Statistics New Zealand, 2014).  
Families in Aotearoa New Zealand have changed significantly over the past 50 years, 
especially in regards to family structures (Ritchie, 2007). For instance, women are more 
likely to live with their partner before they are married and are having fewer children at an 
older age. In addition, Māori families differ to New Zealand European (Pakeha) families in 
many ways. Māori parents are more likely to have more children and start creating a family at 
a younger age, whilst also having more help and involvement from their wider whānau 
	 8	
(family), such as grandparents and other whānau members in comparison to New Zealand 
European families. More specifically, traditional Māori practices encompass the notion of 
whakapapa (genealogy), where children are placed in a wider context and are linked to all of 
those who have gone before (Ritchie, 2007).  
Among the indigenous populations all over the world, experiences of marginalisation, 
discrimination and enculturation are due to the process of colonisation, and have contributed 
to the many disadvantages that have been recorded, such as socio-economic outcomes, health 
and well-being (Keown, Sanders, Franke, & Shepherd, 2018; Mitrou et al., 2014). Māori, the 
Aotearoa New Zealand indigenous population, have had to adjust and change large parts of 
their cultural identity, including the language of te reo Māori and several long-standing 
traditions. This change in customary practices stemmed from the effects of colonisation, and 
the acts of discrimination that occurred among the dominant culture throughout history. 
Whilst progress is being made towards re-establishing Māori culture within Aotearoa New 
Zealand society, such as the effort to introduce te reo Māori into the school curriculum, the 
Māori population are often marginalised in the New Zealand statistics, whether it is in 
regards to health problems, education outcomes or prison populations. For instance, it is 
estimated that Māori children aged 3-14 years of age are more likely to experience 
hyperactivity, peer difficulties and conduct problems compared to non-Māori children, with 
the biggest concern relating to conduct problems (Ministry of Health, 2018) However, Māori 
have been significantly underrepresented in research and there is a need to include them in 
order to understand the complexity of culture and its ability to shape and influence parenting 
practices. At present, there are only a limited number of research papers which have tried to 
understand the intricacy of culture and parenting practices in Aotearoa New Zealand.  
More recently, the New Zealand Government is working on a Child Well-Being 
Strategy to try and improve the lives of all children living in Aotearoa New Zealand, 
	 9	
including New Zealand European, Māori and Asian populations. Whilst some focus areas 
include poverty reduction and educational outcomes, a large focus is on children’s ability to 
thrive through the improvement of family/whānau living. In a report released by The 
Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (2018), they state that children are thriving 
socially, emotionally and developmentally from the ages of two to six. Therefore, it was 
important to examine parenting practices used during early childhood development period to 
gain more of an understanding of how these practices may be contributing to the positive 
wellbeing of young children in Aotearoa New Zealand.  
Previous research in Aotearoa New Zealand has only just begun to scrape the surface 
of the cultural variations that are present among the three major ethnicities in Aotearoa New 
Zealand, through studies which examine culture in isolation of the other dominant cultures. 
Furthermore, there is a lack of in depth qualitative research, which has the ability to gather 
rich, important data for recognising and appreciating the differences and variations among the 
New Zealand European, Māori and Asian populations, as described by individual parents. At 
the present time, there is no research in New Zealand that has included the Asian population 
and compared and contrasted their parenting practices alongside New Zealand European and 
Māori parents. Furthermore, although parenting practices have been evaluated alongside 
children’s behaviours, there is no known research which was examined parenting practices 
and children’s behaviour internationally, as well as among the three dominant cultures in 
Aotearoa New Zealand.  
 
Research Aims  
This study aims to understand the parenting practices and similarities and differences 
used by New Zealand European, Māori and Asian (Chinese and Indian) cultural groups living 
in Aotearoa New Zealand. The study will also examine whether there are any differences and 
	 10	
similarities among parent’s reports of their child’s social competence in relation to their 
cultural grouping. The research questions will be answered through the use of a case study 
mixed-method design, where the parents from each family will be asked to complete two 
self-report questionnaires and participate in a semi-structured interview.  
The results and outcomes of this study have the potential to impact a number of 
organisations in Aotearoa New Zealand and provide evidence about the associations between 
culture and parenting. For instance, early childhood centres may benefit from the information 
provided, as they will be able to further understand the similarities and differences in 
parenting practices across cultures, particularly with those parents who have children enrolled 
in their services, and how this influences their children’s social behaviour at the early 
childhood centre. Secondly, this information may be important for educators, as they may be 
able to better understand and appreciate the perspectives of the parents who are present in the 
setting. This might help educators relate to parents more effectively and be able to better 
support them. In addition, the results of this study could be considered useful in light of the 
current government climate and the progression of the Child Well-being Strategy. For 
instance, understanding the role of culture on parenting may allow government 
representatives to better understand parents, which may then allow us to better support them 
in their parenting practices and their journey as parents. Through this support, it is possible 
that additions can be made to such government strategies, and young tamariki (children) will 
have the opportunity to grow to be healthy and strong whilst living in Aotearoa New Zealand. 
Furthermore,	Plunket and other forms of parenting support services in Aotearoa New 
Zealand, and use this information can be used to inform, modify and/or adjust the current 
understandings about their client’s parenting behaviours. Whilst there are implications for 
organisations in Aotearoa New Zealand, there are also important practical and theoretical 
implications that are expected to result from this study. The results of this study will provide 
	 11	
will help inform and add to the national and international research on culture, and how 
culture can be influential factor for individual’s actions and behaviours. More specifically, 
the information will help inform the research on parenting practices and culture, particularly 
in regards to establishing the similarities and differences that are portrayed by different 
cultures residing together in one country. 	
The next Chapter of this thesis will include a review of the literature surrounding 
culture and parenting practices, as well as how culture and parenting practices influence 
children’s social behaviours. Following the literature review, Chapter Three will describe the 
methodological approach of this study and Chapter Four will present the key findings from 
this study. Finally, Chapter Five will provide a discussion of the results, as well as the 
strengths, limitations, implications, and suggestions for future research.  
  
	 12	
Chapter Two: Literature Review 
Whilst there is a significant body of international research on the influence of parenting 
practices on children’s behaviour, there is no known research to explore the influences of 
culture on parenting practices and child’s behaviour among the three dominant cultures in 
New Zealand. The following Chapter will present the current research on a number of 
overseas studies on culture, parenting practices and children’s behaviour, as well as a select 
number of New Zealand studies which have explored how culture influences parenting 
practices, however, cultures are examined in isolation to one another.   
 
Parenting Practices and Children’s Behaviour 
Several studies have emphasized the importance of positive parenting practices on the 
outcome of children’s positive behaviour (Farrant, Devine, Maybery, & Fletcher, 2012; 
Zvara, Sheppard, & Cox, 2018). For example, mothers who are able to regularly engage in 
empathetic emotions, such as taking the perspective of others, are more likely to encourage 
their children to do the same, therefore, increasing their children’s prosocial behaviours 
(Farrant et al., 2012). In comparison, negative parenting practices have the potential to be 
harmful to the development of children’s social behaviours. In a study conducted by Neece, 
Green, and Baker (2012) it was found that high parenting stress was associated with an 
increase in child behaviour problems, including temper tantrums and aggression. This 
association is often referred to as a bidirectional relationship, whereby children’s behaviours 
are considered to effect parenting practices, just as much as parenting practices effect 
children’s behaviours. Therefore, negative parenting behaviours can be considered both an 
antecedent and consequence of child behaviour problems. Moreover, Zvara et al. (2018) 
found that children’s behaviour problems were more likely to predict mothers’ sensitivity. 
This is not a bidirectional relationship, as mothers’ sensitivity did not predict children’s 
	 13	
behaviour problems. Additionally, Zvara et al. (2018) found that father’s sensitivity had more 
of an effect on children’s behaviour problems than mothers’ sensitivity. These findings 
highlight the need for research to consider the similarities and differences between mothers’ 
and fathers’ parenting practices and the impact on young children’s development. 
 
Maternal vs. paternal parenting.	Significant differences have been found between 
maternal and paternal parenting practices (Kawabata & Crick, 2016; S. Xing et al., 2017). For 
instance, research has shown that during the early years, mothers are more influential on their 
children’s development compared to fathers (Besnard et al., 2013; Kawabata & Crick, 2016; 
Scott, Nelson, & Dix, 2018). Scott et al. (2018) found that mother-child interdependence was 
more prominent in the earlier stages of child development, whereas father-child 
interdependence was achieved at a later stage of development, such as middle childhood. 
This may be due to the early nurturing and caregiving behaviours of the maternal role 
becoming less salient in middle childhood, and more mentorship-orientated aspects of the 
paternal role may become more influential (Gryczkowski, Jordan, & Mercer, 2010; Scott et 
al., 2018). S. Xing et al. (2017) examined the influence of Chinese mothers’ and fathers’ 
psychological control on preschool children’s socio-emotional development. They found that 
maternal psychological control was highly predictive of children’s behavioural problems and 
prosocial behaviours, whereas paternal psychological control was unrelated to children’s 
socio-emotional development. Additionally, Xing, Zhang, Shao, and Wang (2017) found that 
Chinese preschool children’s negative emotionality was significantly associated with 
maternal psychological aggression and corporal punishment, but not paternal. These findings 
suggest that when parents use similar parenting practices, it is possible for them to have 
different impacts on the child. However, it is possible that in China, fathers may be less 
emotionally available to their children due to the societal expectations of fathers to be the 
	 14	
primary income provider, thus, working longer hours (X. Xing et al., 2017). However, these 
findings are limited to one cultural group and may not generalise across other cultural groups. 
Moreover, Besnard et al. (2013) examined the influence of mothers and fathers parenting 
behaviours on a large sample of young children in Canada, and found that mothers parenting 
and behaviours were most influential at the beginning of kindergarten, but as children 
reached grade 2, both mothers and fathers had a similar influential impact on their children’s 
development. Although this was a relatively homogenous sample of Canadian Europeans, the 
overall findings build on and contribute to the work on paternal and maternal parenting and 
the differential influence on their young children. 	
The differences in parenting practices between mothers and fathers have the potential 
to influence children’s behaviour (Rinaldi & Howe, 2012; Tavassolie, Dudding, Madigan, 
Thorvardarson, & Winsler, 2016; X. Xing et al., 2017). It has been found that mothers 
negative parenting practices, such as harsh punishments and/or emotional abuse, can be 
damaging the positive social development of both boys and girls (Kawabata & Crick, 2016; 
Ruiz-Ortiz, Braza, Carreras, & Muñoz, 2017). In comparison, fathers negative parenting 
practices may be more damaging to the social development of girls, but not boys 
(Gryczkowski et al., 2010). Ruiz-Ortiz et al. (2017) examined maternal and parental 
parenting practices on prosocial and antisocial behaviours of Spanish children in middle 
childhood. The results indicated that warm and inductive parenting from both parents 
increased adaptive skills (leadership and social skills) for both boys and girls, whereas 
maternal and paternal hostility increased externalizing behaviours (aggression and 
hyperactivity) for both boys and girls. However, maternal coercion and inconsistency of 
parenting practices, rather than paternal, was damaging to the development of positive 
adaptive skills amongst boys and girls and increased externalising behaviours in girls only. 
Similarly, Kawabata and Crick (2016) found that maternal coercion and relational aggression 
	 15	
(e.g. social exclusion) was associated with peer-orientated relational and physical aggression 
in both boys and girls, however, greater paternal conflict and hostility, rather than maternal, 
was related to an increase in physical aggression among both boys and girls. These findings 
provide evidence to suggest that as children grow older, fathers start to become more 
influential in regards to their child’s behaviour. Although this study established some 
interesting results, one limitation to the research is that mothers and fathers behaviours were 
obtained through self-reports completed by the children, who were between the ages of 10-
12. There is a possibility that children’s responses were biased, depending on how positive or 
negative their feelings were towards their parents at the time of assessment. Although 
valuable information could have been gathered from mothers’ and fathers’ self-reports, they 
were not given the opportunity to contribute their ideas and beliefs to the research study. 
Although previous studies have examined the similarities and differences between 
mothers’ and fathers’ parenting practices and children’s behaviours, it is worth considering 
the impact of intergenerational parenting, and whether parenting attitudes and beliefs are able 
to be passed down through generations, and therefore, effect the types of behaviours 
displayed by young children.  
 
Intergenerational parenting.	Several studies have examined the intergenerational 
continuity of behaviours between grandparents, parents and children (Neppl et al., 2009). 
Generally, they show that there is a direct link between one generation of parenting behaviour 
and the next generations parenting behaviour as adults (Madden et al., 2015; Yan, Han, & Li, 
2016). Furthermore, research suggests that antisocial behaviours observed from the parent’s 
childhood has the potential to lead to antisocial behaviours in their offspring (Raudino, 
Fergusson, Woodward, & Horwood, 2013; Thornberry, Freeman-Gallant, & Lovegrove, 
2009). In a study conducted by Yan et al. (2016), fathers from two major cities in China 
	 16	
completed three questionnaires regarding their perceptions on their parents’ parenting, 
reflecting on their own levels of emotional awareness and self-regulation, as well as how they 
cope with their children’s behaviour. The findings revealed that the parents who used more 
supportive child-rearing practices were more likely to have experienced positive parental care 
from their own parents. In contrast, parents who believed that they experienced parental over-
protection from their own parents used less supportive emotional parenting towards their 
children. Although this study examines a relatively large non-Western population of China, it 
is a relatively homogenous sample, limiting the ability for comparisons to be made across 
cultures. Additionally, this study was entirely quantitative, which has the potential to effect 
the overall social desirability bias, and does not provide the in-depth information about the 
nuances between intergenerational parenting practices that may be gained from qualitative 
measures such as interviews. In comparison, Neppl et al. (2009) used longitudinal 
observational data, which included four family tasks which were video-taped and coded by 
trained observers, from the years 1989-1992. Furthermore, the same observation procedure 
was used to assess parenting between the years of 1997-2003. The results showed that 
grandparents (G1) harsh parenting was predictive of parents (G2) harsh parenting, and 
grandparents (G1) positive parenting was predictive of parents (G2) positive parenting. 
Additionally, grandparents (G1) harsh parenting did not lead to parents (G2) positive 
parenting, and grandparents (G1) positive parenting did not lead to parents (G2) harsh 
parenting. These findings suggest that parents learn both specific and related child-rearing 
behaviours from their own parents and imitate these practices with their own children. In 
addition, there is evidence to suggest that grandfathers are less likely than grandmothers to 
influence the intergenerational transmission of parenting behaviours. For example, Madden et 
al. (2015) found that a higher level of affection by grandmothers (G1) increased positive 
parenting practices among fathers (G2), as well as higher levels of control by grandmothers 
	 17	
(G1) lowered parental engagement levels among mothers (G2). Interestingly, it was found 
that none of the parenting variables displayed by grandfathers (G1) were associated with the 
parenting behaviours among mothers and fathers (G2) (Madden et al., 2015). 	
Furthermore, studies are also beginning to investigate the potential influence of a 
supportive romantic partner, as a way to disrupt the intergenerational transmission of harsh 
and negative parenting practices (Conger, Schofield, Neppl, & Merrick, 2013; Schofield, 
Conger, & Conger, 2017). For example, Schofield et al. (2017) found that when there was a 
history of harsh parenting from grandparents towards parents, parents were relatively less 
harsh towards their children when the parent had a romantic partner who was supportive and 
positive, and had a positive relationship with the child. Likewise, Conger et al. (2013) found 
similar results. However, Conger et al. (2013) continued to discuss the possibility that 
grandparent’s harsh parenting had the potential to reduce the likelihood of parents finding a 
romantic relationship with a supportive partner. As discussed by Raudino et al. (2013), it is 
common for assortative mating to occur, which refers to individuals choosing to partner with 
personalities similar to themselves. Although this study included a large, longitudinal sample 
size, the majority of the population was made up of European-American participants. 
Therefore, it would be necessary to include a more participants from diverse cultures in order 
to determine whether it is possible for supportive partners to disrupt the intergenerational 
transmission of harsh parenting among different cultures.  
The continuity of parenting behaviours and their transmission onto the younger 
generation is a widely discussed topic (Raudino et al., 2013; Smith & Farrington, 2004; 
Thornberry et al., 2009). Research suggests that parental antisocial behaviour during their 
adolescent period is related to their own children’s antisocial behaviour (Thornberry et al., 
2009). In particular, Thornberry et al. (2009) found that mothers and fathers who displayed 
antisocial behaviours during adolescence (e.g. drug use and delinquency) and had an on-
	 18	
going active role in their child’s life are more likely to create subsequent risk for their 
children’s antisocial behaviours. Interestingly, this association was not observed for mothers 
or fathers who only saw their child sporadically. This may be a result of the limited time 
spent with their child for any adverse effects to take place. However, effective parenting 
practices were seen to be compromised by their adolescent antisocial behaviours and 
parenting stress, and had a direct effect on their child’s antisocial behaviours. Similarly, in a 
study which uses data from the Christchurch Health and Development Study in Aotearoa 
New Zealand, Raudino et al. (2013) found that the intergenerational transmission of conduct 
problems was mediated by parenting behaviours, in particular, parental over-reactivity. These 
findings suggest that both antisocial behaviours and conduct problems are a social learning 
process, where parental antisocial behaviours increase the likelihood of ineffective parenting 
practices, and exposure to ineffective parenting practices increases the likelihood of 
antisocial behaviours in children. This study is one of few studies which use a longitudinal 
design whilst also incorporating the Aotearoa New Zealand context. However, this study 
does not include details about the ethnic representation of the sample, so conclusions 
surrounding the variations among cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand cannot be drawn.  
 Previous studies addressing the intergenerational transmission of parenting practices 
and early parental antisocial behaviours have often relied on quantitative data. The 
methodological limitations associated with the studies reviewed thus far can be reduced by 
employing a mixed-methods approach with the inclusion of both quantitative and qualitative 
data from both mothers and fathers. This methodological approach will also provide a more 
comprehensive understanding about the complexities around the influence of culture on 
parenting practices and child behaviour and whether this differs for each of the dominant 
cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand. 
 
	 19	
Cultural influences.	A growing body of research indicates that cultural differences 
are important to consider when it comes to parenting behaviours and children’s behaviour (J. 
J. Chen, Sun, & Yu, 2017; Lansford et al., 2018). Cultural contexts allow both parents and 
children to experience and understanding cultural norms and expectations about parenting 
and how parents should behave with their children (Lansford et al., 2018). Fiorilli, De Stasio, 
Di Chicchio, and Chan (2015) found that Chinese mothers were more likely than Italian 
mothers to respond to their children’s emotional expressions through the use of coaching 
strategies as a way to teach them how to express and regulate their emotions appropriately. 
Fiorilli et al. (2015) states that these more directive strategies are reflective of the Chinese 
cultural belief that children are unable to appropriately understand and make decisions that 
are for their own best interest. Interestingly, both of these studies expected to see more 
significant results regarding the cultural differences between Chinese culture and Western 
cultural groups. For instance, although Liu and Guo (2010) found that Chinese mothers were 
more authoritarian focused than Canadian mothers, Chinese mothers still displayed more 
authoritative parenting practices than authoritarian. Likewise, Helwig, To, Wang, Liu, and 
Yang (2014) expected that Chinese participants would perceive discipline in the form of 
shaming and love withdrawal less negatively compared to Canadian parents. However, 
although this result was noticed, the differences between cultures was not as significant as 
expected. Liu and Guo (2010) state that this may be caused by the western ideologies around 
parenting practices being introduced to Chinese culture through rapid globalisation and 
modernisation. 	
Gryczkowski et al. (2018) examined the relationship between parenting practices and 
children’s social behaviours among an ethnically diverse sample. The results indicated that 
European American mothers who were more positive in their parenting behaviours (i.e. 
parental warmth) tended to have children who demonstrated more prosocial behaviours. The 
	 20	
same was not true for African American children’s behaviour. In comparison, African 
American children were less likely to display prosocial behaviours despite the influence of 
positive parenting from their mothers. This finding suggests that parental warmth may not 
function in the same way across culture and there may be other parenting strategies that 
promote children’s prosocial behaviour. Similarly, Javo, Rønning, Heyerdahl, and Rudmin 
(2004) examined the association between parenting and child behaviour problems between 
the indigenous (Sami) and the majority (Norwegians) population of Norway. The results 
showed that Sami boys benefited from a more disciplinary parenting style in comparison to 
Norwegian boys, adding to the notion that there are a number of parenting behaviours that do 
not operate in the same way across cultures even when in the same country. Despite these 
studies comparing and contrasting both the minority groups and the majority groups, there 
are some limitations. Firstly, Javo et al. (2004) only included parents of four-year old 
children. Therefore, including a broader age group may have produced different conclusions. 
Furthermore, Gryczkowski et al. (2018) used a quantitative design method, which only 
included self-report data. With the inclusion of qualitative methods, such as an interview, a 
more in depth understanding of parenting and culture may have been achieved.  
The results from these studies highlight the differences in parenting practices between 
cultures and the impact this can have on young children’s behaviour. To date, there has been 
no known research conducted exploring the potential differences in parenting practices of 
parents from the three dominant cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand. Thus, this research will 
explore the similarities and differences between New Zealand European, Māori, and Asian 
(Chinese and Indian) cultures to determine ways in which their parenting practices reflect 
important and unique cultural beliefs and attitudes and how this might influence child 
behaviour.  
 
	 21	
New Zealand European Families  
There are a limited number of studies that have sought to investigate the way in which 
New Zealand European families function. This may be due to the similarities between New 
Zealand European families and other European cultures. In Aotearoa New Zealand, the 
European population sits at approximately 76%. Therefore, like other majority ethnic groups, 
New Zealand European families follow similar dynamics to other European cultures. For 
instance, New Zealand European families are more likely to consist of a nuclear structure 
(two-parent families with children) (Cribb, 2009). However, Cribb (2009) identified that de-
facto relationships and step-parenting is also common among New Zealand families. In 
regards to the parenting practices that are used among New Zealand European families, Abel, 
Park, Tipene-Leach, Finau, and Lennan (2001) found that New Zealand European mothers 
relied on their husband/partners as a main source of practical and emotional support, as well 
as professional practices and friends for other types of support, such as adding another 
helping hand and sharing advice between one another. Similarly, Witten, Kearns, McCreanor, 
Penney, and Faalau (2009) discuss the notion that Pakeha parents place less significance on 
familial connections in comparison to Māori and Samoan parents. Therefore, extended family 
members, such as grandparents, auntie and uncles, are less involved in the child raising 
process among New Zealand European parents (Witten et al., 2009).  
 Reese et al. (2016) investigated the aspirations of parents from a range of cultures in 
Aotearoa New Zealand. Parents were asked to rate their most important aspirations for their 
future children’s development, such as self-actualization, psychological outcomes, safety, 
belonging and self-esteem. Cultural variation was found between the parents, particularly in 
regards to independence and interdependence. For instance, New Zealand European mothers 
were most likely to express their desire for their children’s development of self-actualization, 
such as wanting their children to have the opportunity to complete their desired goals, 
	 22	
without struggling. These differences are not surprising, given New Zealand European’s 
emphasis on independence in comparison to Māori, Pacific and Asian cultures (Reese et al., 
2016). 
 Cartwright (2010) conducted a study that explored the parenting practices of step-
families in Aotearoa New Zealand. Participants included 66 families from Auckland New 
Zealand, in which 41 identified as New Zealand European. When the participants were asked 
the question “as the parent, what roles or activities do you continue with your children?”, 
majority of the responses related to child care routines. Routines such as showering, eating, 
dressing and reading to the child in bed were all considered to be highly important for day to 
day living. This finding suggests that New Zealand European families value the importance 
of a routine based structure for assisting parents with various daily activities with their 
children. 
Previous research has provided some empirical findings on the ways in which New 
Zealand European families function, as well as the differences in parenting practices between 
cultural groups. However, similar differences are yet to be explored between the three 
dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand. 
 
Māori Families  
There are a number of studies that have sought to investigate the different types of 
parenting practices among Māori (Eketone, 2012; Jones, Barber, Nikora, & Middlemiss, 
2017; Tipene-Leach, Abel, Finau, Park, & Lenna, 2000). Commonly, Māori parenting 
practices and New Zealand European parenting practices are compared and contrasted in 
order to determine the potential commonalities and disparities between the two cultures. It 
has been shown that Māori are more likely to value wider family relationships and 
connections compared to New Zealand European. For instance, in a study conducted by Abel 
	 23	
et al. (2001), Māori parents were more likely to have the ongoing support of their wider 
whānau in regards to caring for their infant child, and seek different pieces of advice from 
their family members. In comparison, New Zealand European parents were far more likely to 
diminish the role of the extended family, and seek help from health-care professionals before 
the extended family. These differences among Māori and New Zealand European parenting 
practices were also shown in Tipene-Leach et al. (2000) study, however, some Māori parents 
were more likely to adhere to a more New Zealand European approach to parenting, 
including less advice seeking practices from wider family members, and relying on more 
modern medical facilities for their infant. According to Weatherall and Wilson (2007) these 
differences may relate to the type of environment that these Māori parents are raising their 
children. For example, more traditional Māori practices may be due to a rural upbringing and 
setting, where as a less traditional approach to parenting may occur in more urbanized 
settings, suggesting the possibility that approaches to parenting practices can differ within 
one cultural group due to their context and location. 
Jones et al. (2017) conducted semi-structured, face to face interviews with 10 Māori 
mothers and fathers. Interviews were used to shed light on the experiences, thoughts and 
emotions of sleep routines and sleep care practices with children between the ages of 2 
months and 2 years of age. It was found that all parents expressed the desire for sleeping 
separately to their child, however, there were some parents who struggled to attend to their 
child in the night and ended up co-sleeping for convenience. Similarly to the findings of Abel 
et al. (2001), it was found that a number of participants spoke about how past experiences 
such as observations of nieces and nephews and advice from different whānau members has 
influenced their decisions around parenting and bedtime routines. Jones et al. (2017) noted 
that parents were more likely to use parent-assisted soothing techniques such as feeding, 
lying with the baby or rocking the baby to sleep, rather than self-soothing techniques for 
	 24	
getting their baby to sleep at night. Whilst this study provides further knowledge on sleep 
practices of Māori mothers, it’s important to note that these previous research studies have 
focused on infant care practices. Therefore, it is difficult to generalise these findings to Māori 
parents who have preschool and new entrance aged children, when this developmental period 
may require some changes in parenting practices. Additionally, although Jones et al. (2017) 
interviewed parents in order to gather in depth information, there were only two fathers in the 
study and eight mothers. It would be worthy to include a larger sample of fathers, as it has 
been shown that their approach to parenting may be different to mothers, and therefore, worth 
exploring further (Kawabata & Crick, 2016). 
Māori-New Zealand European Children in New Zealand. An important perspective 
to discuss is the multiethnic families in Aotearoa New Zealand, and how this relates to 
Māori-New Zealand European children’s identity. Kukutai (2007) examined the important 
role that multiethnic families have in Aotearoa New Zealand, and how parents from the 
dominant cultural group (New Zealand European) play an important role in maintaining and 
transmitting ethnic diversity. From his study, Kukutai (2007) found that New Zealand 
European mothers were just as likely as Māori mothers to identify their child as Māori, when 
married to Māori partner. However, this transmission of a Māori cultural identity among 
children begins to diminish when both of the parental profiles identify as predominately New 
Zealand European. For instance, Kukutai (2007) found that a large majority of multiethnic 
marriages constitute as one partner identifying as both Māori/New Zealand European and the 
other as New Zealand European. Therefore, it is possible that more traditional Māori cultural 
practices and values may begin to reduce over time as the family becomes more New Zealand 
European, and family members may lose their sense of cultural belonging during this process.  
This section has reviewed the small number of qualitative studies examining 
parenting practices among Māori parents in Aotearoa New Zealand. Whilst these studies 
	 25	
provide important empirical data on Māori parents’ interpretations of their own parenting 
styles, limited research has been conducted on the influence of culture on parenting children 
during early childhood (Abel et al., 2001). Furthermore, no studies have compared the 
cultural differences among Māori families and New Zealand European and Asian families 
which are the three dominant cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand.   
 
Asian Families  
Whilst the continent of Asia encompasses a wide variety of ethnicities, the Asian 
population with the highest demographic in Aotearoa New Zealand is Chinese and Indian. 
Therefore, these are the two ethnicities that will be focused on throughout this section of the 
literature review.  
 
Chinese families.	Parenting has previously been referred to as a complex human 
endeavour (J. J. Chen et al., 2017). However, it may be even more complex for immigrant 
parents who are trying to balance two differing, and at times competing, sets of parenting 
values and beliefs from their heritage culture and host culture. Among the literature, Chinese 
immigrant families are often said to be actively balancing differing parental cognitions, 
including child rearing ideologies, goals and expectations (J. J. Chen et al., 2017). For 
instance, Cheah, Leung, and Zhou (2013) found that Chinese immigrant mothers were able to 
coherently identify the differentiating patterns of parenting behaviour between the Chinese 
culture and American culture. They specifically discussed the use of parental authority and 
harsher discipline influenced by their Chinese culture in comparison to the more encouraging 
and praise-based parenting in the US. In regards to harsher parental discipline among Chinese 
immigrant parents, Yu, Cheah, and Calvin (2016) found that Chinese parents who adopted an 
American orientation to their lifestyle were more likely to have an authoritative approach to 
their parenting, a prevalent parenting style in Western cultures. Yu et al. (2016) state that the 
	 26	
process of acculturation has the potential to be a protective factor, as an American orientation 
also increased parent’s positive psychological well-being, as well as benefitting children’s 
adaptive development in the preschool years. Likewise, J. J. L. Chen, Chen, and Zheng 
(2012) interviewed 12 Chinese immigrant mothers in New York City and New Jersey with 
children between the ages of 2 and 6. They found that parents who had resided in United 
States for a longer period of time were more likely to adhere to authoritative parenting 
practices. However, one participant had resided in the United States for 18 years, and 
continued to use authoritarian approaches to their parenting. It is possible that this parent 
values the more traditional child-rearing practices of Chinese culture, and has continued to 
maintain these, despite residing and raising a child in a Western culture. 	
Studies involving Chinese immigrant families in Aotearoa New Zealand are limited, 
but more recent research has included Chinese participants, potentially due to the rise in this 
population throughout Aotearoa New Zealand. For instance, Chan (2017) interviewed 10 
Chinese mothers with children in numerous early childhood education centres (ECE) around 
the city of Auckland. It was found that mothers identified a number of heritage practices that 
were worth maintaining, such as practices that helped encourage the use of mathematic 
learning styles that are said to be ‘Chinese specific’. Additionally, Chinese mothers were also 
realistic about their child’s ability to maintain their native Chinese language, as New Zealand 
ECE’s only speak English and it is likely that their native language will deteriorate over time. 
Overall, Chan (2017) stated that the parents were active agents in their decisions regarding 
their parenting practices. It was important for these parents to be culturally flexible as they 
navigated the cultural expectations of the two countries they identify with. Therefore, parents 
were often learning and adapting new practices from the host country, as well as 
relinquishing particular cultural practices that were no longer considered applicable and 
maintainable in their new context. Although this study opens new pathways for exploring 
	 27	
parenting practices among Chinese in Aotearoa New Zealand, it does not allow for 
comparisons to be drawn between other cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand, especially among 
New Zealand European, Māori families and other Asian cultures, such as Indian families.   
 
Indian families.	In India, the family is a key social structure that exerts a large 
influence on the lives of all of its members (Tuli, 2012). As described by Tuli (2012) 
individuals in India are known and identified by their family name. Additionally, a large 
majority of the families in India are often situated in one joint structure, as older extended 
relatives are often cared for by their offspring in their homes. Despite the mother playing a 
pivotal role for the raising of her children, it is often regarded as a shared experience with 
friends, extended family and those in the neighbourhood (Tuli, 2012). 	
Studies involving Asian-Indian parenting is minimal, as a large range of Indian 
research includes American-Indian families. Additionally, majority of the Asian-Indian 
parenting studies are based on those who have emigrated from India to a Western culture, 
such as the United States (Londhe, 2015; McCord & Raval, 2016). Similar to Chinese 
immigrant parents, it has been found that when Asian-Indian parents have resided in a 
Western country for a longer period of time, they are more likely to use child-rearing 
practices that are similar to those used by Western-born parents (Farver, Xu, Bhadha, Narang, 
& Lieber, 2007). For instance, Farver et al. (2007) found that Asian-Indian parents who had a 
higher acculturation score in regards to their ethnic identity, were more likely to endorse 
authoritative parenting practices than those who were only marginally acculturated. However, 
Jambunathan (2006) found that Indian parents of preschool aged children who lived in the 
United States were more likely to place pressure on their children to do well academically, 
and emphasize the importance of a professional degree (e.g. law school or medical degree). 
This practice certainly exists within India, due to over population and limited colleges 
	 28	
granting these degrees (Jambunathan, 2006). However, it is interesting that this mentality still 
exists among Indian parents who have immigrated to Western cultures. This contrasts to 
previous research, which discusses the notion that these cultural patterns should have 
changed and more closely match those of the host culture, through the process of 
acculturation.  
Farver et al. (2007) examined Asian-Indian adolescent’s ethnic identity and 
associations with self-esteem levels. For this study, ethnic identity is described as one’s 
ability to feel comfortable about who they are and have resolved any uncertainties about the 
meaning of their ethnic identity (Farver et al., 2007). It was found that adolescents who were 
more comfortable with their ethnic identity has higher self-esteem scores. It is possible that 
this grounded sense of ethnic belonging came from time spent listening and learning about 
certain traditions, history and customs from family members and friends belonging to the 
same culture. Similarly, Inman, Howard, Beaumont, and Walker (2007) found that Indian 
immigrants residing in the United States were able to affirm their ethnic identity through 
reinventing their original culture within the host culture. However, immigration seemed to 
come at a cost to some of the participants, as they often felt as though they had experienced 
some significant losses, such as cultural continuity, familial guidance and support systems 
(Inman et al., 2007). These two studies show that there are certain costs that come with 
immigrating to a foreign country, as learning to feel content with a reinvented cultural 
identity has a significant part to play in one’s own well-being.   
 
Theoretical Models  
The following section will discuss some of the key theoretical models that may help explain 
the possible associations between culture, parenting practices and children’s behaviour.  
 
	 29	
Social Learning Theory.	Bandura’s Social Learning Theory is one of the most 
influential theories of personality and learning development (Jaffe, 1991). It is described as 
the new patterns of behaviour that can be learned through direct experience or through the 
observation of others behaviours (Bandura, 1977). Social Learning Theory embodies the idea 
that people are not born with troubled and negative behaviours, rather, they learn them. The 
everyday interactions that occur among family members are shaping both children’s and 
parent’s long-term patterns of behaviours (Holtrop, McNeil Smith, & Scott, 2015). Therefore, 
parenting behaviours have a strong, powerful effect on children’s outcomes and mediate the 
impact of the differing contextual factors on children’s adjustment. In particular, this means 
that when parenting practices are more adverse and negative, children’s behaviour may be 
more antisocial. In comparison, when parenting practices are warm and sensitive, positive 
child behaviour outcomes are promoted. Learning through direct experience is considered the 
more rudimentary form of learning, where children’s behaviours are formed from 
consequences of either rewards or punishment following that action. Children will begin to 
form beliefs about their behaviours, depending on whether their efforts were unsuccessful 
and punished, or more favourable and rewarded. It is commonly believed that the responses 
are automatically and unconsciously processed by the immediate consequences experienced 
(Bandura, 1977; Jaffe, 1991). On this foundation of informative feedback, hypotheses are 
developed about the types of behaviours that are most likely to succeed, which then guide 
future actions. However, behaviour that is learnt through reinforcement cannot solely explain 
the way people’s behaviours are shaped. As described by Bandura (1977), learning would be 
risky and laborious due to the potential for people to perform hazardous errors, with 
dangerous consequences. Therefore, behaviours can also be taught through modelling and 
observations. Modelling is the behaviour learnt through the influence of example. Whilst 
some behaviours or tasks may be costly or hazardous, new methods of response can be 
	 30	
developed by experienced and capable role models who demonstrate how the required 
behaviour or task is performed. Parents and teachers will do this when they say to a child 
“watch me do it, and then you try”, as this allows children to quickly understand and process 
the behaviour, as well the potential consequences of their actions before they perform the 
behaviour themselves (Jaffe, 1991). Furthermore, as described by Henderson (1981) the 
behaviours which are considered prosocial, which may be learned, observed and reinforced 
by parental figures, will vary from culture to culture and will be different based on differing 
historical contexts. 	
	
Ecological Perspective Theory.	Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Perspectives Theory 
can be used to further understand the characteristics that shape parenting behaviour (Rubin & 
Chung, 2006). Although parent-child relationships are at the heart of the microsystem, the 
relationships between parent and child also encompass much more than just two entities. For 
instance, the macrosystem includes the important factor of culture, which influences how 
parents care for their children, what behaviours are deemed acceptable with children, and to 
what extent parents allow children to experience autonomy (Rubin & Chung, 2006). The 
different everyday settings that parents and children find themselves in embody the important 
cultural meanings and parameters of their lived experiences. Furthermore, the cultural 
constructions that define child-rearing and child care practices are reinforced daily, which 
allow children to learn and embody cultural norms (Rubin & Chung, 2006). Rubin and 
Chung (2006) discuss the ecological framework of the “developmental niche”, which 
comprises of three subsystems. The first subsystem includes the different cultural variations 
of the social and physical settings within the child’s life. For instance, children who are raised 
amongst a multitude of individuals, living in temporary homes are drastically different to 
those children who are raised isolated at home with a single parent, with little interest shown 
	 31	
from other family members or individuals in the child’s life. The second subsystem refers to 
the customs and practices of child-rearing. Cultural differences influence parenting factors 
such as the frequency and extent to which parents care for their child, permit freedom for 
children to explore or whether children’s life experiences are more care-free or restricted. 
Lastly, the third subscale includes the cultural customaries of parenting, such as the sleeping 
arrangements (co-sleeping or sleeping separately) and breastfeeding. Therefore, the role of 
cultural influence in shaping parenting practices need to be considered when trying to 
understand different aspects of parent-child relationships. 	
 
Ethnic Equivalence Model.	The Ethnic Equivalence Model emphasize the 
similarities that can be found across ethnicity in regards to the effects and influences of 
parenting styles and practices (Bowie et al., 2013; Lamborn & Felbab, 2003). According to 
this model, family structure and influence largely surpasses ethnicity. For instance, parental 
warmth, social autonomy and behavioural control positively influence childhood and 
adolescent development regardless of ethnicity. This encompasses the child’s need for 
structure, connection and support, and whilst cultural influences are acknowledged, common 
patterns of parenting are considered more important (Lamborn & Felbab, 2003). This type of 
model disassociates itself from other models of parenting, which emphasize differences 
among cultures, such as the Cultural Values Model. 	
 
Cultural Values Model.	In comparison to the Ethnic Equivalence Model, the 
Cultural Values Model emphasizes the differences among culture in regards to parenting 
behaviours and practices. According to the Cultural Values Model, what constitutes as 
positive successful parenting among one ethnic group may differ from those parenting 
behaviours that lead to children’s optimal functioning in another ethnic group (Bowie et al., 
	 32	
2013). This may be due to the parenting behaviours being interpreted differently in varying 
cultural contexts and characteristics, such as interdependence, family obligations and family 
functioning,that are unique to each culture (Lamborn & Felbab, 2003). According to some 
researchers, the Ethnic Equivalence Model is not adequate for exploring parenting behaviours 
across cultures because it does not consider the relevance and significance of cultural 
variation. Lamborn and Felbab (2003) stress the importance of using methods which allow 
family members (i.e. parents) to discuss and define meaningful aspects of parenting and 
family functioning in order to further understand parenting behaviours across cultures. 	
 
The Ecocultural Framework.	An ongoing theme in cross-cultural psychology is that 
differences in culture may be understood as adaptions to varying ecological settings or 
contexts (Saraswati, 2003). This view is largely different from earlier beliefs that culture is 
consistent, and moves away from a “one size fits all” orientation to culture. More recently, it 
is been emphasized that culture is constantly changing, and there is more concern 
surrounding metamorphosis, creation and recreation (Saraswati, 2003). Therefore, The 
Ecocultural Framework, developed by John W. Berry, attempts to make sense of the 
commonalities and variations that exist among cultures by accounting for human 
psychological diversity and the differences and similarities that exist among individuals and 
groups. The Ecocultural Framework takes into account two fundamental sources which 
influence individual and group psychosocial characteristics; ecological and socio-political 
(Georgas, van de Vijver, & Berry, 2004; Saraswati, 2003). The ecological influence 
highlights individual’s development of customary and individual behaviour, which is adapted 
from their experiences in their cultural, ecological and social settings, such as one’s 
community bonds (Saraswati, 2003). The socio-political influence is an element that suggests 
individuals’ and the overall populations behaviour is due to organisations and institutions of 
	 33	
society, such as the economic system, government policies or educational system (Georgas et 
al., 2004; Saraswati, 2003). Therefore, it views culture as an evolving process to ecological 
and socio-political influences, and individual’s characteristics as adaptive to their cultural 
context. 	
 
Rationale  
In the present day, Aotearoa New Zealand’s bicultural identity is considered by many 
as an important aspect for the way in which New Zealander’s live. Alongside New Zealand 
European and Māori, New Zealand is home to a number of other ethnicities, including the 
Asian population (referred to in the study as Chinese and Indian). These three cultural groups 
make up the three dominant cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand. A significant commonality 
among these cultural groups is their identity of being a parent, both mothers and fathers. 
However, despite previously identified variations in behaviour and norms among cultures, 
there is no known research which investigates the influence of culture on parenting practices 
and children’s social competence among New Zealand European, Māori and Asian families 
living in Aotearoa New Zealand. It is currently unknown whether there are significant 
variations in the types of parenting practices used by New Zealand European, Māori and 
Asian parents living in Aotearoa New Zealand, or to what extent children’s behaviours differ 
between these cultural groups. Therefore, the current research study aims to identify these 
influences, and explore the potential similarities and differences that exist among New 
Zealand European, Māori, Chinese and Indian parents in Aotearoa New Zealand. This study 
will use four overarching research questions and sub-questions to help understand the 
nuances of parenting practices, culture and children’s social competence.   
 
	  
	 34	
Research Questions  
	
1. What types of parenting practices do mothers and fathers use and is this associated 
with their child social’s competence? 
1a) What are the types of parenting practices used by mothers and fathers? 
1b) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting 
practices? 
1c) What are parent’s perceptions of their child’s social competence? 
1d) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ reports of 
their child’s social competence? 
1e) Is there a relationship between parenting practices and child social competence? 
1f) Is there a relationship between mothers’ and fathers’ reported parenting practices 
and child social competence? 
 
2. Are there differences in the types of parenting practices used the three dominant 
cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
 
3. Do parent’s perceptions of their child’s social competence differ between the three 
dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
 
4. How does culture impact parenting practices among the three dominant cultural 
groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
	
  
	 35	
Chapter Three: Methodology 
 
Participants  
 
The sample consisted of eight families (mother, father and a focus child) from three 
different cultural backgrounds in Aotearoa New Zealand. The ethnic grouping consisted of 
New Zealand European (n= 2), Māori (n= 3) and Asian (Chinese n=1, Indian n= 2) families 
and were chosen for the purpose of this study because they are the three dominant cultures in 
Aotearoa New Zealand (New Zealand Statistics, 2014).  
 
Recruitment  
	
The participants were recruited through the use of a flyer, social media posts, friends 
and family’s wider social circle and other relevant cultural associations. After consent was 
provided by appropriate personnel, the advertisement flyers (Appendix A) were placed at a 
number of different early childhood centres and other relevant work-places around 
Christchurch. The advertisement flyer was also posted on a Facebook page run by the 
University of Canterbury Student Association, as well as on a number of personal pages of 
friends. Families who were interested in participating were asked to email or phone the 
researcher.   
After initial contact was made with the researcher, an information sheet (Appendix B) 
was sent to them in order to determine if they met the criteria and were eligible for 
participation. The eligibility criteria were (a) both mothers and fathers are required to 
participate; (b) identify as either New Zealand European, Māori or Asian (Chinese or Indian); 
(c) have a child between the ages of 3-5 and (d) the family must live in the Christchurch area. 
At the beginning of recruitment, it was required that mothers and fathers in the same family 
would have to identify themselves as belonging to the same cultural group. However, it 
became apparent that it was difficult to recruit both Māori mothers and Māori fathers within 
	 36	
the same family. Therefore, the criteria was opened up to include participants where at least 
one parent identified as Māori.  
Participant’s demographic information is listed in Table 1, including mother and 
fathers cultural group, their age, child’s age and gender. 
 
Table 1: Demographic Information 
Participants Culture Age Child Age / Gender 
Family One (Mother) 
Family One (Father) 
NZ European 
NZ European 
35 
38 
5 years 4 months  
Female 
Family Two (Mother) 
Family Two (Father) 
NZ European 
NZ European 
33 
37 
3 years 10 months 
Female 
Family Three (Mother) 
Family Three (Father) 
Māori/NZ European 
NZ European 
42 
47 
6 years 9 months 
Female 
Family Four (Mother) 
Family Four (Father) 
NZ European 
Māori/NZ European 
34 
47 
5 years 3 months 
Female 
Family Five (Mother) 
Family Five (Father) 
NZ European 
Māori/NZ European 
37 
40 
4 years 6 months 
Female 
Family Six (Mother) 
Family Six (Father) 
Indian 
Indian 
32 
32 
5 years 7 months 
Female 
Family Seven (Mother) 
Family Seven (Father) 
Indian 
Indian 
36 
39 
4 years 5 months 
Female 
Family Eight (Mother) 
Family Eight (Father) 
Chinese 
Chinese 
39 
38 
4 years 1 month 
Male 
	 37	
Table 2 includes a family profiles for each of the family’s. This includes details about 
where they were born, when they moved to Christchurch and how many children they have.  
 
Table 2: Family Profiles 
Family One The mother was born in Invercargill, New Zealand and moved to 
Christchurch a couple of years ago. The father was born in Southport, just 
north of Liverpool and has lived in Aotearoa New Zealand for 12 years. The 
family have one daughter, aged five, and they are expecting another child. 
Family Two The mother and father were born and raised in Christchurch, New Zealand 
but travelled overseas for a five years and returned back to Christchurch 
five years ago. They have three young girls.  
Family Three Both the mother and father were born and raised in Christchurch, New 
Zealand. They have two girls together, aged two and six. They revealed that 
both of their children have Fragile X syndrome, and their six-year-old has 
been diagnosed with ADHD.  
Family Four The mother and father were both born and raised in Christchurch, New 
Zealand. The father identifies as Māori/New Zealand European, and is in 
the early stages of exploring his cultural identity, as it was something that 
he did not grow up. This involves working for Ngāi Tahu and exploring his 
whānau history. This family has two children, a girl and a boy, aged five 
and two. 
Family Five The mother from family five was born and raised in Christchurch, New 
Zealand. The father was born in Invercargill, but has lived in Christchurch 
for 17-18 years. They have three girls, aged 11, 10 and four. 
Family Six The mother and father are from India. The mother is from the north side of 
India, and it was unspecified which part of India the father is from. They 
moved to New Zealand, and settled in Christchurch three years ago. They 
have one daughter, who was born in Chandigarh, India.  
Family Seven The mother and father are from India. They moved to Aotearoa New 
Zealand 12 years ago, and have resided in Christchurch ever since. They 
have two daughters, aged four and two.  
Family Eight The mother is from Kungdong, China. She moved to Kaikoura, New 
Zealand 12 years ago, and then moved to Christchurch, New Zealand two 
years later. The father is from China, and moved here 8 years ago to start a 
restaurant business. They met in New Zealand, and started a family. They 
have three children, two girls and a boy.  
	 38	
 
 
Ethics 
 
Ethics approval (HEC 2018/52) for carrying out the study was granted by the 
University of Canterbury Human Ethics Committee (Appendix C). All participants were 
provided with an information form which gave details surrounding confidentiality and any 
potential risks that may be involved during participation. Participants were required to 
provide informed consent before participating in the study (Appendix D). Participants were 
also provided with the opportunity to ask any questions before the data collection began. One 
of the main concerns expressed by the Human Ethics Committee included the definition of 
Asian, and how this cultural group will be identified in order to limit the potential for cultural 
offense. The research team readdressed the definition of Asian, and decided to include the top 
two demographic Asian populations in Aotearoa New Zealand (Chinese and Indian) in order 
to recognise their differentiating cultural bases.  
 
Setting for Data Collection 
 
During the initial contact with the participants, it was stated that a suitable room at the 
University of Canterbury on Dovedale Campus was available for use. However, whilst this 
room was used for two meetings, it was often easier for the participants to meet at their place 
of work or in their own home. The space for conducting the interview was required to be 
quiet and free of any interruptions. The interviews and questionnaires were completed 
separately by both parents. While one parent was completing the questionnaires, the other 
parent was being interviewed.      
 
	
	
	
	 39	
Measures  
 
Measures in the current study included two questionnaires regarding parenting 
practices and their children’s social behaviour. An interview was also conducted to further 
understand parenting practices and the influence of culture.  
 
Parenting Practices Questionnaire (PPQ). Mothers and fathers were asked to 
complete a revised version of the Parent Practices Questionnaire (PPQ) (Robinson, 
Mandleco, Olsen, & Hart, 1995). The original Parenting Practices Questionnaire consists of 
62 questions, which are presented on a 5-point Likert Scale (1 = Never and 5 = Always). The 
questionnaire aims to assess parents in regards to the three parenting typologies; 
authoritarian, authoritative and permissive. The authoritative typology includes four 
subscales; (a) warmth and involvement; (b) reasoning and induction; (c) democratic 
participation; (d) good natured/easy going. There were a total of 27 authoritative items, which 
had a Cronbach alpha score of .91. The authoritarian typology includes four subscales; (a) 
verbal hostility; (b) corporal punishment; (c) non-reasoning/punitive strategies; (d) 
directiveness. There were a total of 20 authoritarian items, which had a Cronbach alpha score 
of .86. Lastly, the permissive typology included three subscales; (a) lack of follow through, 
(b) ignoring misbehaviour; (c) self-confidence. There were a total of 15 permissive items, 
with a Cronbach alpha score of .75. This measure has also been validated to be used with 
parents who have children from the ages of 3-5 (Locke & Prinz, 2002).  
The questionnaire was revised by the researcher and the research supervisors. The 
revised questionnaire consisted of 22 items, which were presented on the same 5-point Likert 
Scale (1 = Never and 5 = Always) (Appendix E). The questionnaire was revised for a number 
of reasons. Firstly, it was important that the questionnaire presented positively and was less 
intrusive for the parents. It was not necessary to focus on the negative aspects of parenting 
	 40	
styles, as this would not provide a positive contribution to the results of the study. Therefore, 
corporal punishment, which was one of the subscales for the authoritarian parenting style, 
was left out. Secondly, the original 62-item questionnaire was considered too extensive and 
time consuming for the participants to complete. Therefore, the top three highest factor 
loading items from each subscale were included in the questionnaire. This reduced the survey 
to a more manageable time-frame of approximately 15 minutes. A draft of the final 
questionnaire was piloted by two child and family psychology Masters Thesis students, who 
were able to give suggestions about the questionnaires items, as well as the structure of the 
questionnaire. The final questionnaire was revised by the senior supervisor, as well as the 
secondary supervisor who helped oversee the cultural appropriateness of the measure.  
The authoritative subscale on the revised questionnaire included 12 items, with a 
Cronbach alpha score of .89. Secondly, the authoritarian subscale included 6 items, and had a 
Cronbach alpha score of .51. This low reliability score may be due to the low number of 
items in the subscale. Additionally, it was noted that the removal of one item (I manage my 
child’s behaviour by taking away privileges with little explanation) would increase this score 
to .73. However, further analysis indicated that the removal of this item would not change the 
results, so the item was kept in the scale. Lastly, the permissive scale included 4 items, and 
had a Cronbach alpha score of .46. Similar to the authoritarian subscale, the low number of 
the items may explain the low reliability of this subscale. It is also possible that these 
reliability scores are a reflection of the suitability of the subscales for the population of 
parents recruited for the purpose of this study.  
Mothers and fathers completed the questionnaire separately from each other in order 
to minimize biases that may have arisen from comparing and contrasting practices. 
Additionally, the completion of separate questionnaires allowed for potential differences 
between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting practices to be compared. The comparison of both 
	 41	
mothers and fathers is considered an important original contribute of the study, as studies do 
not often have a selection criterion where fathers are required to participate. 
 
Social Competence Scale – Parent (P-COMP).	Following the Parenting Practices 
Questionnaire, the participants were then asked to complete the Social Competence 
Questionnaire – Parent Version (Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 1995) 
(Appendix F). The Social Competence Scale – Parent Version consists of 12 items, rated on a 
5-point Likert Scale (1 = Not at all and 5 = Very well). The questionnaire consists of two 
subscales; (a) prosocial/communication skills (e.g. “my child shares things with others”) and 
(b) emotional regulation skills (e.g. “my child can accept things not going his/her way”). The 
original study demonstrated good internal reliability with a Cronbach alpha of .80 for both 
the prosocial/communication skills subscale and emotional regulation skills subscale 
(Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 1995). Parent’s total scores were calculated 
for each of the subscales and then divided by the number of items on each subscale to 
determine the mean. A score was calculated for mothers and fathers separately.	
	This measure was originally designed to assess the social competencies of children in 
elementary school, Grade 1 (Year 2). However, Gouley, Brotman, Huang, and Shrout (2008) 
evaluated the efficacy of the Social Competence Scale – Parent Version on preschool aged 
children (3 to 5 years of age). The results supported the use of the P-COMP on preschool 
aged children, after evaluating the factor structure and internal consistency of the measure. 
Gouley et al. (2008) state that this measure is useful for identifying emotional regulation 
skills and prosocial/communication skills in children between the ages 3 and 5, as they are 
two important skills that are emerging during this developmental period. The questionnaire 
was recommended for use by the secondary supervisor, who agreed that a more positive and 
	 42	
strengths based approach was would be more culturally appropriate for parents who are 
reflecting on their child’s behaviours. 
 
Interview.	Mothers and fathers were asked to participate in a semi-structured 
interview consisting of eight open-ended questions regarding their culture and parenting 
practices. The interview questions are listed below in Table 3 and in Appendix G. Mothers 
and fathers were asked to complete the interview separately from one another, in order to 
minimize the risk of biases and maximize the likelihood of identifying differences in 
parenting practices between mothers and fathers. The interview was included in the research 
study to allow for a more in-depth exploration of the cultural influences on parenting, as well 
as the intergenerational parenting affects that may be present. The interview questions were 
initially drafted based on a previous empirical evidence published on topics which were seen 
as relevant to the current study. For instance, previous differences were found between New 
Zealand European and Māori parents for their children’s sleep routines and was considered 
worth further investigation to determine the influence of these cultural practices. 
Additionally, previous research had highlighted the importance of family, and seeking 
support and advice from family members, thus it was regarded as necessary to include 
questions about advice giving and role models. Alongside the questions generated from 
previous research topics, more general questions were drafted in order to clearly establish key 
aspects of parenting, such as values and the influence of cultural identity. Once eight 
questions were drafted, advice was sought from both the senior supervisor and secondary 
supervisor, where recommendations for removal and additional questions were added (e.g. 
“tell me about yourself”) and used in the final interview. Once the questions were finalised, 
the secondary supervisor helped oversee the cultural competency of the interview questions. 	
 
	 43	
Table 3: Interview Questions 
Questions  
 
1. Tell me about yourself  
2. What culture/cultural group(s) do you identify with? 
3. How would you describe your parenting style? 
4. Who was your main model for your parenting? 
5. In relation to your child(ren), what are the sleep routines in your household? 
6. How do you think your cultural identify has influenced the way that you parent? 
7. What are some of the key values that guide your parenting? 
8. What advice would you give to your child(ren) about raising and parenting your 
grandchildren (mokopuna)? 
 
 
Design 
 
This study uses a cross-sectional, mixed-method, within-between groups design. A 
within-between groups design was selected for comparing the similarities and differences 
within one culture, as well as between the three different cultures. A within-between groups 
design has previously shown to be insightful for discovering unusual trends both within 
cultures and between cultures (Lansford et al., 2018). The use of a mixed-method design was 
used to showcase the importance of gathering both quantitative and qualitative data. Whilst 
exploring and analysing more numerical forms of data, it was just as important to obtain rich 
descriptive data from the perspective of the parents through the use of interviews (Frost, 
2011). This was especially important because quantitative data only focuses on one point in 
time, and parent and culture are considered to be an evolving process. Therefore, quantitative 
measures only allow parents to focus on their interpretations and feelings about parenting and 
their child’s behaviour on the day of assessment. However, the inclusion of qualitative 
	 44	
measures allows for a more holistic approach to gathering information, where parents are free 
to discuss their views about parenting from the past, present and future. Additionally, 
qualitative measures allow the researcher to understand one’s individual perspective of 
culture and parenting, allowing for a more in-depth understanding and clear conclusions to be 
drawn from the data. Additionally, the triangulation of both measures helps to determine 
whether the quantitative data backs up the qualitative data, or whether the two measures 
align. This is beneficial for determining the accuracy of the data.    
 
Procedure 
After parents provided consent to participate in the study, an appropriate time and 
place to complete the questionnaires and interviews was arranged. Parents were given the 
option to complete the measures at the University of Canterbury. In most cases, the measures 
were completed at the family’s home or workplace. At the beginning of the meeting, parents 
were asked to sit down together so the researcher could explain the research process, 
confidentiality agreements and possibilities of risk. The researcher explained to the parents 
that they would be participating in two short questionnaires and an interview separately. 
Following on, the researcher then described to the parents how to complete the 
questionnaires. The researcher asked the parent’s permission to record the interviews on a 
recording device, and assured them that their interviews would not be shared with anyone 
outside the research team. All participants agreed to have their interviews recorded. Parents 
were also told that their names would not be used in the publication of the results. Rather, it 
was specified that their family would be assigned a number in order to remain anonymous. 
Parents were then told that if the researcher believed they or anyone else in their family was 
at risk, the senior supervisor would be advised, who had the right to take things further. This 
	 45	
was also an ethical requirement recommended by the University Ethics Committee. After 
agreeing to these conditions, parents were asked to sign a consent form.  
After the signing of consent forms, mothers and fathers were asked who would like to 
interview first. The first interviewee stayed in the room with the researcher and the other 
parent went out of the room to fill out the questionnaires. When the interview was finished, 
the parents swapped roles. If one parent did not understand English and could not participate 
in the interview alone, the other parent was allowed to assist with the interview and translate 
questions and answers where necessary. There was only one family where this procedure 
took place. After both interviews and questionnaires were complete, the recordings were 
saved and uploaded to a password protected computer file and questionnaires were filed away 
in a locked office until data analysis.  
 
Data Analysis 
As this study is a mixed-method study, both quantitative and qualitative analyses will 
be used for the purpose of triangulation to determine the influence of culture on parenting 
practices and children’s social behaviour.  
 
Quantitative data.	The data from the Parenting Practices Questionnaire and the 
Social Competence Scale – Parent was inputted into SPSS in order for statistical analyses and 
associations to be identified between independent and dependent variables. The independent 
and dependent variable descriptions are described in Table 4.  
	
	
	
	 46	
Table 4: Independent and Dependent Variables 
Independent Variables Dependant Variables 
Culture (New Zealand European, Māori, Chinese 
and Indian) 
Parent’s Age (Mage = 37.7 years) 
Child’s Age (Mage = 4.9 years) 
Parent (Mother/Father) 
Parenting Practices (Authoritative, 
Authoritarian and Permissive) 
Children’s Social Competence (Emotional 
Regulation and Prosocial/Communication 
Skills) 
 
	
Descriptive statistics present the similarities and differences between mothers and 
fathers, as well as between each cultural group in regards to their parenting practices and 
their child’s social competence. Following the descriptive statistics, independent t tests were 
run to determine whether mean differences were statistically significant. Pearson correlations 
were used to give an indication of the strength of the relationship between the two continuous 
variables, parenting practices and children’s behaviour. Additionally, parenting practices and 
children’s behaviour were examined by each cultural group, in order to determine potential 
similarities and differences between these variables. The statistical analyses used to answer 
each of the research questions are described in Table 5.  
 
  
	 47	
Table 5: Statistical Analysis Plan 
Research Questions Data Analysis 
1a) What are the types of parenting practices used by mothers and fathers? Cluster bar graph 
1b) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ 
parenting practices? 
Descriptive statistics and 
independent t tests grouped 
by mother and father 
1c) What are parent’s perceptions of their child’s social competence? Cluster bar graph 
1d) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ reports 
of their child’s social competence? 
Descriptive statistics and 
independent t tests grouped 
by mother and father 
1e) Is there a relationship between parenting practices and children’s social 
competence? 
Pearson correlation 
1f) Is there a relationship between mothers’ and fathers’ reported parenting 
practices and children’s social competence? 
Pearson correlation 
2. Are there differences in the types of parenting practices used the three 
dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
Descriptive statistics grouped 
by culture 
3. Do parent’s perceptions of their child’s social competence differ between the 
three dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
Descriptive statistics grouped 
by culture 
 
Qualitative data.	Both mothers and fathers participated in 30-minute (approximately) 
interview separately. The interview questions can be found in Table 3. 	
The interview data was analysed through thematic content analysis (Guest, 
MacQueen, & Namey, 2012).  The parents’ responses were transcribed, where they were read 
and re-read in order to become familiar with the data. Following on, the transcripts were 
coded and labelled by using different coloured highlighters to code phrases (e.g. yellow = 
cultural practices, orange = parenting practices and green = significant quotes). These coded 
phrases were then compared and contrasted to other parents of the same and different cultural 
group. This allowed for the discovery of patterns, where key themes could be established. 
More specifically, cultural patterns were compared to themes from previous literature on the 
topic. However, new themes and broader patterns were discovered during the analysing 
process. The themes and patterns were reviewed to ensure that they fit with the data and the 
purpose of the research study. The cultural themes from each interview were compared to 
those from the same cultural group and other cultural groups in order to create concise and 
	 48	
accurate interpretations. The themes that were reaffirming themes in the previous research, as 
well as themes that were most commonly reoccurring, remained for the final coding of 
transcripts. The detection of themes allowed for a coherent and detailed narrative, which 
included direct quotes from the interviewee’s.  
 
Table 6: Data Analysis Plan 
Research Question  Data Analysis 
4. How does culture impact parenting practices among the three dominant 
cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
Thematic Content Analysis 
 
	  
	 49	
Chapter Four: Results 
 
The following chapter will describe the results from the Parenting Practices 
Questionnaire and the Social Competence Scale – Parent Form. Descriptive statistics be used 
to examine the similarities and differences between mothers’ and fathers’ interpretations of 
their parenting practices and their child’s social competence. Comparisons between parenting 
practices and children’s social competence will be explored among the four dominant cultural 
groups in Aotearoa New Zealand (New Zealand European, Māori, Chinese and Indian). 
Pearson correlations will identify the strength of relationships, such as parenting practices 
and children’s social competence variables. Additionally, independent sample t-tests will 
determine whether mean differences between mothers and fathers were statistically 
significant. Following the quantitative results, the qualitative results will be described with a 
particular focus on exploring the individual perspectives of mothers and fathers, similarities 
and differences of the key themes, and their relation to parenting practices for each cultural 
group. The research questions for the quantitative data and qualitative data are listed in Table 
7.  
 
  
	 50	
Table 7: Research Questions for Quantitative and Qualitative Data 
 
	
Demographic Information  
	
There were eight families that participated in this study. This included eight mothers 
(Mage = 36 years, SD = 3.29) and eight fathers (Mage = 39.75 years, SD = 5.06). Whilst 
there were no children participating in the study, parents were asked to report on their child’s 
social competence. Across the eight families, children ranged in age from 3 to 6 (Mage = 4.9 
years; SD = 11.58). In regards to the cultural variance among the sample, seven parents 
identified as New Zealand European, three parents identified as Māori, four parents identified 
 
Quantitative Research Questions 
 
 
1. What types of parenting practices do mothers and fathers use and is this associated with their 
child social’s competence? 
 
1a) What are the types of parenting practices used by mothers and fathers? 
1b) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting practices? 
1c) What are parent’s perceptions of their child’s social competence? 
1d) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ reports of their child’s 
social competence? 
1e) Is there a relationship between parenting practices and child social competence? 
1f) Is there a relationship between mothers’ and fathers’ reported parenting practices and child 
social competence? 
 
 
2. Are there differences in the types of parenting practices used the three dominant cultural groups 
in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
 
 
3. Do parents’ perceptions of children’s social competence differ among the three dominant 
cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand?  
 
Qualitative Research Question 
 
 
4. How does culture impact parenting practices among the three dominant cultures in Aotearoa 
New Zealand?  
 
	 51	
as Indian, and two parents identified as Chinese. A profile listing important demographic 
information for each family can be found in the Methods Chapter in Table 2.  
 
	  
	 52	
Quantitative Results 
 
Research Question One 
	
1. What types of parenting practices do mothers and fathers use and is this 
associated with their child social’s competence? 
 
1a) What are the types of parenting practices used by mothers and fathers?	As 
shown in Figure 1, mothers and fathers reported using parenting practices that align with an 
authoritative parenting style most often. These parenting practices include allowing their 
child to have input into family rules, and praising their child when they are good, as their 
most commonly used parenting style. Mothers reported the use of an authoritarian parenting 
style slightly more than fathers, including arguing with their child and telling their child what 
to do. Lastly, a permissive parenting style was reported to be used my mothers and fathers at 
a similar rate with practices including allowing their child to annoy and interrupt others. In 
comparison to the other two parenting styles, a permissive parenting style was shown to be 
the least commonly used by both mothers and fathers. The range, means and standard 
deviations for each parenting style grouped by mothers and fathers are provided in Table 8.	
	 53	
 
1b) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ 
parenting practices?	It was important to identify whether there were any differences 
between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles, in order to determine whether there is 
consistency between parenting styles. Table 8 presents mothers’ and fathers’ responses on 
each subscale of the Parenting Practices Questionnaire. These scores will be analysed 
according to parenting styles. For the purpose of this analysis, all four ethnic groups will be 
examined collectively in order to get an overall picture of the main parenting practices used 
by mothers and fathers.	
 
  
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
4.5
Authoritative	 Authoritarian Permissive
Mother Father
Figure 1: Types of Parenting Styles used by Mothers and Fathers	
	 54	
Table 8:  Descriptive Statistics for Parenting Type and Parenting Practices 
 
Authoritative parenting style. Mothers’ and fathers’ mean scores for the 
authoritative subscale did not differ significantly (t(14) = 0.418, p = 0.68). Both mothers (M 
= 4.21; SD = 0.49) and fathers (M = 4.06; SD = 0.87) had a similar mean score in regards to 
their authoritative parenting practices. This indicates that both mothers and fathers often use 
parenting practices that include being easy going and relaxed with their child, and praising 
their child when they have been good.  
Authoritarian parenting style. Mothers’ mean scores (M = 2.21; SD = 0.54) were 
slightly higher than fathers’ (M = 1.90; SD = 0.53) for the authoritarian subscale, however, 
this difference was not significant (t(14) = 1.13, p = 0.28). This difference shows that once in 
a while, mothers use authoritarian parenting practices, such as arguing with their child or 
telling their child what to do. In comparison, fathers indicated that they never used these 
types of parenting practices.  
Permissive parenting style. Mothers’ and fathers’ mean scores on the permissive 
subscale were not statistically significant (t(14) = 0.15, p = 0.88). On average, mothers (M = 
1.53; SD = 0.36) and fathers (M = 1.50; SD = 0.43) indicated that they never used parenting 
practices such as appearing unsure on how to solve their child’s misbehaviours. Both mothers 
Parent Type Parenting Style Range Mean Std. Dev 
Mother Authoritative 3.33 – 4.75 4.21 0.48 
 Authoritarian 1.70 – 3.50 2.21 0.54 
 Permissive 1.25 – 2.25 1.53 0.36 
Father Authoritative 2.75 – 5.00 4.06 0.87 
 Authoritarian 1.50 – 2.83 1.90 0.53 
 Permissive 1.00 – 2.25 1.50 0.46 
	 55	
and fathers indicated that the permissive parenting style subscale was their least attributable 
parenting style, as their mean scores were the lowest compared to the other two scales. 
 
1c) What are parents’ perceptions of their child’s social competence?	As shown 
in Figure 2, fathers reported that their child used emotional regulation skills more often in 
comparison to mothers’ reports. This implies that fathers believe their child display skills 
such as coping well with failure and thinking before acting. However, mothers and fathers 
had similar reports for their child’s prosocial skills/communication skills, including skills 
such as their children being helpful towards others and listening to other’s points of view. 
The range, mean and standard deviations of mothers’ and fathers’ scores of children’s social 
competence can be found in Table 9.	
	
 
1d) Are there any significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ 
interpretation of their child’s social competence?	It is important to identity the possible 
differences that may occur between mothers and fathers in regards to the way that they 
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
4.5
Emotional	Regulation Prosocial	Skills/Communication	Skills
Mother Father
Figure 2: Mothers’ and Fathers’ Perceptions of their Child's Social Competence 
	 56	
interpret and report their child’s social competence. Table 9 presents mothers’ and fathers’ 
responses on the two subscales of the Social Competence Scale – Parent Form. Additionally, 
in order to examine whether meaningful differences exist between mothers’ and fathers’ 
reports of child’s social competence, independent sample t-test on each dependent variable 
were conducted. 	
	
Table 9: Descriptive Statistics for Parenting Type and Children's Social Competence 
 
Emotional regulation. As shown in Table 9, mothers (M = 3.21; SD = 0.79) and 
fathers (M = 3.55; SD = 0.71) mean scores were more similar than different (t(14) = -.0.89, p 
= 0.38). This suggests that there is consistency in mothers’ and fathers’ reports of their 
child’s emotional regulation, with both parents reporting that their child thinks before acting 
and can calm down when excited moderately well.  
Prosocial skills/communication skills. Mothers’ (M = 3.98; SD = 0.64) and fathers’ 
(M = 4.02; SD = 1.01) mean scores for their reports of their child’s prosocial 
skills/communication were not statistically significant (t(14) = -0.09, p = 0.93). Despite these 
differences being non-significant, fathers’ mean scores were slightly higher than mothers’ 
(moving the mean score of the fathers up to the next scale point), indicating that fathers 
believed their child could perform prosocial skills/communication skills well, such as sharing 
Parent Type Subscale for Child Social Competence Range Mean Std. Dev 
Mother Emotional Regulation 2.30 – 4.50 3.21 0.79 
 Prosocial / Communication Skills 2.80 – 5.00 3.98 0.64 
Father Emotional Regulation 2.30 – 4.50 3.55 0.70 
 Prosocial / Communication Skills 2.30 – 5.00 4.02 1.01 
	 57	
things with others and being helpful towards others, whilst mothers believed they could 
perform these skills moderately well. 
 
1e) Is there a relationship between parenting practices and their children’s social 
competence?	Pearson correlations describing the strength of the relationship between reports 
of parents’ parenting style and child’s social competence are presented in Table 10. All of the 
parents’ reports were examined collectively.  
	
Table 10: Correlation of Parenting Style and Children's Social Competence 
 
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2 tailed) 
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2 tailed) 
 
Relationship between parenting styles. As shown in Table 10, a significant negative 
correlation was found between parents reported authoritative parenting style and authoritarian 
parenting style (r = -.661; p = .005). This indicates that when mothers and fathers reported 
the use of an authoritative parenting style, including practices such as joking and playing with 
their child, they were less likely to report the use of a permissive parenting style, including 
practices such as allowing their child to annoy others. In comparison, a positive trend 
between authoritarian parenting style and permissive parenting styles was found, whereby 
authoritarian parenting behaviours may be associated with permissive parenting behaviours (r 
= .459; p = .073; see Table 10). Therefore, when mothers and fathers reported the use of an 
Parenting Style/Child Social 
Competence Subscales 
1 2 3 4 5 
1. Authoritative 1 -.219 -.661** .483 .665** 
2. Authoritarian  1 .459 -.374 -.410 
3. Permissive   1 -.509* -.414 
4. Emotional Regulation    1 .775** 
5. Prosocial/Communication 
Skills 
    1 
	 58	
authoritarian parenting style, such as arguing with their child, they were also likely to report 
the use of a permissive parenting style, such as allowing their child to interrupt others. This 
association approached significance in this study, however, with a larger sample, statistical 
significant may be found. 
Relationship between children’s social competence. Associations between parent 
reports of their child’s social competence on each of the subscales were also examined and a 
significant relationship was found between reported emotional regulation and prosocial 
skills/communication skills (r = .775; p = <0.01; see Table 10). More specifically, when 
parents reported their child to be more emotionally regulated, they were also more likely to 
report that their child uses prosocial skills and communication skills.  
Relationship between parenting styles and children’s social competence. As 
shown in Table 10, an authoritative parenting style is positively correlated with young 
children’s use prosocial skills/communication skills (r = .665; p = .005). More specifically, 
parents who report themselves to be more authoritative were more likely to report that their 
children used positive prosocial skills/communication skills. Parents who reported practices 
such as giving praise to their child when they are good, and showing patience with their 
children were more likely to report their children using positive skills such as sharing things 
with others or listening to others points of view. Secondly, there was a significant negative 
correlation between the use of a permissive parenting style and the reported use of emotional 
regulation among their children (r = -.509; p = .044; see Table 10). Parents who report their 
children as exhibiting emotionally regulated behaviours, such as coping well with failure and 
thinking before acting, were less likely to report the use of permissive parenting styles, such 
as allowing their children to annoy or interrupt others.  
 
 
	 59	
1f) Is there a relationship between mothers’ and fathers’ reported parenting 
practices and their child’s social competence?	Pearson correlations describing the strength 
of the relationship between mothers’ and fathers’ reports of their parenting style and child’s 
social competence are presented in Table 11. Mothers and fathers from the four different 
ethnic groups were examined collectively.	
 
Table 11: Correlation of Mothers’ and Fathers’ Reported Parenting Style and Child Social 
Competence 
 
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2 tailed) 
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2 tailed) 
 
Mothers. A significant positive correlation was found between authoritarian 
parenting style and permissive parenting style (r = .730; p = 0.04; see Table 11). This 
relationship suggests that mothers who reported the use of an authoritarian parenting style are 
also likely to report the use of a permissive parenting style. Additionally, children’s 
prosocial/communication skills reported by mothers had a significant positive correlation 
Parent Type Parenting Style / Child 
Social Competence 
Subscales 
1 2 3 4 5 
Mother 1. Authoritative 1 -.158 -.321 .318 .578 
 2. Authoritarian  1 .730* -.249 -.140 
 3. Permissive   1 -.139 .010 
 4. Emotional Regulation    1 .901** 
 5. Social/Communication  
Skills 
    1 
Father 1. Authoritative  1 -.342 -.836** .704 .707* 
 2. Authoritarian  1 .265 -.421 -.621 
 3. Permissive   1 -.857* -.627 
 4. Emotional Regulation    1 .765 
 5. Social/Communication 
Skills 
    1 
	 60	
with children’s emotional regulation skills (r = .901; p = .002; see Table 11). This suggests 
that mothers who report their child to display prosocial skills/communication skills, such as 
listening to others’ points of view, are also likely to report greater use of emotional regulation 
skills, such as their child thinking before acting. 
 Fathers. As shown in Table 11, a significant negative correlation was found between 
authoritative parenting style and permissive parenting style (r = -.836; p = .010). This 
suggests that unlike mothers, fathers who report an authoritative parenting style are less 
likely to report the use of a permissive parenting style. A second significant positive 
relationship was found between an authoritative parenting style and prosocial 
skills/communication skills (r = .707; p = .050; see Table 11). This indicates that fathers who 
report the use of an authoritative parenting style, such as showing patience with their child, 
are more likely to report that their children display positive prosocial skills/communication 
skills, such as their child sharing things with others’. Lastly, a significant negative correlation 
was found for fathers’ reported emotional regulation and use of a permissive parenting style 
(r = -.857; p = .007; see Table 11), which suggests that when fathers are reporting positive 
emotional regulation skills for their child, such as their child thinking before acting, they are 
also less likely to report the use of a permissive parenting style, such as allowing their child 
to annoy others. 
 
Research Question Two 
	
2. Are there differences in the types of parenting practices used the three 
dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? Table 12 presents the ranges, means 
and standard deviations of parenting styles for mothers and fathers collectively grouped 
according to cultural groups.  
	 61	
 
 
Table 12: Descriptive Statistics for Cultural Group and Parenting Style 
 
Authoritative parenting style. As shown in Table 12, Indian parents (M = 4.85; SD 
= 0.17) and Chinese parents (M = 4.45; SD = 0.42) had higher mean scores than New Zealand 
European parents (M =3.90; SD = 0.49) and Māori parents (M = 3.53; SD = 0.89) for the 
authoritative parenting style subscale. This indicates that Chinese and Indian parents used 
parenting practices such as explaining the consequences of their child’s behaviour, joking  
and playing with their child very often. In comparison, New Zealand European and Māori 
parents indicated that they used these parenting practices about half of the time.  
Culture Subscale for Parenting Style Range Mean Std. Dev 
New Zealand European Authoritative 3.25 – 4.60 3.90 0.48 
 Authoritarian 1.50 – 3.50  2.22 0.72 
 Permissive 1.25 – 2.25 1.78 0.37 
Māori Authoritative 2.75 – 4.50 3.53 0.89 
 Authoritarian 1.50 – 2.00 1.78 0.25 
 Permissive 1.25 – 2.00  1.58 0.38 
Chinese Authoritative 4.16 – 4.75 4.45 0.42 
 Authoritarian 2.00 – 2.66 2.33 0.47 
 Permissive 1.00 – 1.25 1.12 0.18 
Indian Authoritative 4.66 – 5.00 4.85 0.17 
 Authoritarian 1.60 – 2.10 1.82 0.26 
 Permissive 1.00 – 1.25 1.19 0.13 
	 62	
Authoritarian parenting style. As shown in Table 12, New Zealand European 
parents (M = 2.22; SD = 0.72) and Chinese parents (M = 2.33; SD = 0.47) had higher mean 
scores for the authoritarian parenting style subscale, suggesting that they use parenting 
practices, such as managing their child’s behaviour by putting their child somewhere alone 
with little explanation and raising their voice when their child misbehaves once in a while. In 
comparison, Indian parents (M = 1.82; SD = 0.26) and Māori parents (M = 1.78; SD = 0.25) 
displayed lower mean scores, suggesting that they never used these parenting practices.  
Permissive parenting style. As shown in Table 12, New Zealand European parents 
(M = 1.78; SD = 0.37) and Māori parents (M = 1.58; SD = 0.38) had slightly higher mean 
scores than Chinese parents (M = 1.12; SD = 0.18) and Indian parents (M = 1.19; SD = 0.13), 
suggesting they allow their child to annoy or interrupt others more often. Although these are 
only small differences in mean scores on the permissive parenting style subscale (e.g. New 
Zealand European and Indian), these scores all remained within the same scale point. This 
indicates that parents from all four cultures never used permissive parenting practices, such 
as allowing their child to annoy or interrupt others.	 
 
Research Question Three 
 
3. Do parents’ perceptions of children’s social behaviours differ among the three 
dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand?	Table 13 presents the means, ranges 
and standard deviations of mothers’ and fathers’ reports of their child’s social competence 
grouped according to culture.  	
 
 
 
 
 
	 63	
 
Table 13: Descriptive Statistics for Culture and Children's Social Competence 
 
Emotional regulation. As shown in Table 13, Indian parents (M = 3.90; SD = 0.95), 
Chinese parents (M = 3.41; SD = 0.59) and New Zealand European parents (M = 3.24; SD = 
0.68) all had comparable mean scores to one another, indicating that these parents believe 
their child performs moderately well in regards to their emotional regulation. Māori parents 
(M = 2.98; SD = 0.62) had lower mean scores compared to the other cultural groups, 
indicating that their child uses emotional regulation skills, such as controlling their temper 
when there is a disagreement, less often.  
Prosocial/communication skills. As shown in Table 13, Māori parents (M = 3.94; 
SD = 1.04), New Zealand European parents (M = 3.76; SD = 0.91) and Chinese parents (M = 
3.74; SD = 0.12) had comparable mean scores for their ratings of their child’s 
prosocial/communication skills, suggesting parents from these cultural groups believe their 
child uses prosocial skills/communication skills moderately well. Indian parents (M = 4.60; 
Culture Subscale for Child Social Competence Range Mean Std. Dev 
New Zealand European Emotional Regulation 2.30 – 4.00 3.24 0.68 
 Prosocial / Communication Skills 2.30 – 4.80 3.76 0.91 
Māori Emotional Regulation  2.30 – 3.50 2.98 0.62 
 Prosocial / Communication Skills 2.80 – 4.83 3.94 1.04 
Chinese Emotional Regulation 3.00 – 3.83 3.41 0.59 
 Prosocial / Communication Skills 3.66 – 3.83 3.74 0.12 
Indian Emotional Regulation 2.50 – 4.50  3.90 0.95 
 Prosocial / Communication Skills 3.80 – 5.00 4.60 0.57 
	 64	
SD = 0.57), however, had a much higher mean score compared to the other cultural groups, 
as they believed their child uses these skills well. These findings indicate that Indian parents 
were more likely to report higher levels of skills for their child, such as sharing items with 
others and being helpful to others. Despite similarities in mean scores, the standard deviation 
scores differed between all four groups, particularly in regards to Māori parents (SD = 1.04) 
and Chinese parents (SD = 0.12). These scores suggest that Māori parents’ ratings were more 
wide spread, whereas Chinese parents’ ratings were more consistent with the overall mean 
score.  
 
 
 
  
	 65	
Qualitative Results 
 
The following section will analyse the qualitative data, which included semi-structured 
interviews with 16 mothers and fathers from the three dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa 
New Zealand; New Zealand European, Māori and Asian (Chinese and Indian). The interview 
data was examined and key themes relating to parenting practices were identified for each 
cultural group. Additionally, similarities and differences between and across cultural groups 
were also examined. These have been displayed in Figure 1. 
Research Question Four  
	
4. How does culture impact parenting practices among the three dominant 
cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand? 
 
 Figure 3: Similarities and Differences of Parenting Practices Across Cultures 
	 66	
Universal Theme 
 
As shown in Figure 3, there was one universal parenting practice which was considered 
important by all parents, across all cultural groups. Routine-based parenting was described by 
all parents as crucial for maintaining cohesion and consistency for their family’s well-being.  
“Ah I’d say routine is key. That’s why we are strict with bed times and we have our 
routines down packed and that helps them be a bit more comfortable whilst growing and 
developing” (Family 5, Father, Māori/New Zealand European). 
 
“… she has the same pattern, because we believe that is what will keep them healthy” 
(Family 7, Mother, Indian). 
 
“We have Saturday for family, so we always close on the shop on the Saturday… 
Family time is so important… We always go on a day trip with the children on Saturdays” 
(Family 8, Mother, Chinese).  
 
Likewise, parents believed that having a structure around their child’s dinner time and bed-
time routines was important to maintain, for their children and for themselves as parents. 
“She goes to bed at the same time every night and now sleeps through the whole night 
and gets up at a similar time in the morning… her routines are fairly strict” (Family 1, 
Mother, New Zealand European). 
 
“We make sure the wind down into night is always always always the same… They 
are really good at going to sleep and I really wanted that to be a thing because I didn’t want 
to spend hours in there and didn’t have the patience for that” (Family 2, Mother, New 
Zealand European). 
	 67	
 
“They are normally in bed by 7:30pm, and fast asleep no later than 8pm. Typically up 
in the morning at 6.45am to 7am.We try to keep a pretty consistent routine, as [husband] and 
I love our sleep… we like to have that time at night” (Family 3, Mother, New Zealand 
European/Māori).  
 
Across all of the parents, there was a general consensus that whilst it was important for their 
child to stick to the routines, there is often flexibility around certain times of the year, such as 
holidays or family events.  
“… she is in bed by 7.30, and that’s, well I’d like to say non-negotiable but 
circumstances sometimes dictate if that means they go to bed a bit later. Most recent case of 
that was the holidays I suppose, so I let the girls sleep a bit later knowing that we didn’t have 
to get up the next morning” (Family 5, Father, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
“It’s normally the same every night, unless there are friends around and occasions 
like birthdays (Family 7, Mother, Indian). 
 
However, when parents were asked ‘how do you think your cultural identity has influenced 
the way that you parent?’ some New Zealand European parents emphasised the use of 
routines, and even considered it to be culturally engrained.  
“Probably being quite routine based… I think that’s somewhat of a cultural thing” 
(Family 2, Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
 “… I was bought up that you went to bed at a certain time, and pretty much do the 
same thing with our kids” (Family 3, Father, New Zealand European).  
	 68	
 
Similarities Across Cultures 
	
New Zealand European and Asian.	As shown in Figure 3, New Zealand European 
parents and Asian parents had two overlapping parenting practices that were similar. The first 
parenting practice shared by New Zealand European and Asian families was firming 
parenting. For instance, it was often expressed that parenting is a process of teaching and 
learning, and whilst there is some flexibility to be had, remaining firm with their children was 
regarded as essential for successful development. 	
“You actually have to be strict to let them know that it’s not acceptable, we need to 
give a bit of pressure on the children otherwise they won’t grow” (Family 8, Mother, 
Chinese). 
 
“I think we are fairly strict with her, we don’t let her get away with too much bad 
behaviour and we try to be consistent with our parenting so that we don’t have to deal with 
too many problems” (Family 1, Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
“I can be stricter with food… Sometimes I have to strict on her having healthy meals 
because she likes chips and stuff. So that’s the situation where I am a real strict mother and 
she has to eat her vegetables” (Family 6, Mother, Indian).  
 
The second parenting practice shared by New Zealand European and Asian families was 
expectations and consequences for behaviour.  
“… there are expectations that we have for behaviour and things. We don’t let bad 
behaviour go uncommented if you know what I mean” (Family 2, Father, New Zealand 
European). 
	 69	
 
“Sometimes you need to be strict with your child if you want to make them learn 
about the rules and how to deal with things” (Family 6, Mother, Indian).  
 
“… we have to tell the children what is right and what is wrong, and if they don’t do 
it right, you have to actually be more strict to let them know it’s not acceptable” (Family 8, 
Mother, Chinese). 
 
Māori and Asian.	Figure 3 shows that Māori and Asian families had three similar 
parenting practices. The first parenting practice shared by Māori and Asian parents was their 
effort to speak either their native language (language native to their cultural group) to varying 
degrees. More specifically, Asian parents were likely to emphasise the importance of 
speaking exclusively in their native language in their home, whilst Māori parents were more 
likely to incorporate some Māori kupu (words) and phrases. 	
 “We speak Cantonese at home, and now my mum and dad are here, it’s really helpful 
for my children to learn Cantonese and talk more because if you don’t practice, you don’t 
really learn it (Family 8, Mother, Chinese).  
 
“She [wife] will only speak to them in Hindi, not to force anything, but just because 
the interactions at school all day are English... We make sure the girls are bilingual in terms 
of understanding the language otherwise at some point they might stop relating to the 
culture” (Family 7, Father, Indian).  
 
“I am trying to use te reo Māori in the household and bring them along that journey” 
(Family 4, Father, New Zealand European/Māori).  
	 70	
 
Second, nearly all Māori and Asian parents expressed the importance of maintaining close 
relations with members of the immediate and wider family/whānau, not only in regards to 
their children’s upbringing, but also for maintaining a sense of family support.  
“… whanaungatanga, a sense of family being the primary unit, we have a fairly open 
family where no topic is to taboo and that’s helped foster a good, open relationship with our 
oldest girls, those are the main values” (Family 5, Father, Māori/New Zealand European).   
 
“Our culture is quite diverse and quite focused on family… you have to be in a family, 
you don’t need to go and sit alone and do your YouTube things, it’s family and everything 
you do is family” (Family 6, Mother, Indian).   
 
 “It’s important to understand where you come from, because I think it’s healthy to see 
yourself as something bigger than just you lost in the world… If I had felt like I was a part of 
a bigger whānau, then I might have found some situations less challenging” (Family 4, 
Father, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
However, whilst wider family relationships were conveyed as being important among Asian 
parents, it was often challenging for them to feel satisfied with their familial relationships, as 
family members were situated in their home country.  
“And in my family, my father and my mother, and I have one older sister. She and 
everybody else is in India… we usually do talk to our parents, friends and things over skype” 
(Family 6, Father, India).  
 
	 71	
Last, there were efforts made among Māori and Asian parents to teach and pass on a variety 
of cultural practices to their children. Whilst cultural practice includes the efforts made to 
speak their native language in the home setting, parents also referred to other important 
cultural aspects, such as religious education and cultural experiences.  
“I encourage the girls to get into any Māori extra-curricular activities… We are 
actually off to the marae in Moeraki this weekend, so they are familiar with that environment. 
Just try to expose them to as much cultural as I can” (Family 5, Father, Māori/New Zealand 
European).  
 
 “My daughter prays, she prays to our Hindu, and knows who our God, Hindu God. … 
It’s really very important for me because God is one” (Family 6, Mother, Indian).  
 
“She knows that she spends 4-5 minutes with [wife] and bows her head to the God 
and says thank-you” (Family 7, Father, Indian).  
 
New Zealand European and Māori.	As displayed in Figure 3, New Zealand 
European parents and Māori parents shared similar views about bed-time routines and the 
time in which their child was put to bed at night. Majority of the families agreed that on a 
regular evening (not including events such as holidays and family celebrations) children were 
to be in bed by 7.30pm. This was considerably different to Chinese and Indian families who 
indicated that their child’s bed time was between 8pm and 9pm.	
 “So she goes to bed at the same time every night… 7.30 at the latest and she goes 
straight to sleep” (Family 1, Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
	 72	
“Twenty-five to seven is shower, then by about 7 o’clock it’s story time… normally 
asleep by 7.30 at night” (Family 1, Father, New Zealand European). 
 
“Generally, as she is 4 and a half, she is in bed by 7.30… 7.30 almost religiously” 
(Family 5, Father, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
Differences Between Cultures 
Whilst cultural similarities exist in parenting practices, there were also a number of 
differences that were identified (see Figure 3). These differences may represent some of the 
unique diversities between the three dominant cultures in New Zealand. 
 
New Zealand European.	Firstly, it was found that New Zealand European fathers 
emphasised the importance of having fun with their children by setting some time aside to 
play together, or taking a more relaxed approach to their parenting. Play time was described 
as an important aspect of the fathers parenting, and this time allowed them to bond and share 
some fun-focused memories. As well as the father’s emphasizing fun, mothers were likely to 
say that their partner was more relaxed about their parenting practices than themselves.	
“Yeah always going out and playing. I try not to take things too seriously, I like to 
focus on fun, and don’t get too stressed about it” (Family 1, Father, New Zealand European).  
 
 “We try to be relaxed, have fun and have a laugh and he is particularly good at that. I 
feel like his role is a lot about having fun with the kids and I seem to be doing a lot of the 
providing like food and things” (Family 2, Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
	 73	
An important aspect of New Zealand European mothers and fathers parenting was to raise an 
independent, hard-working, strong willed child who would grow to have the capabilities to 
manage themselves, and not relying on their parents. This finding is not to say that other 
cultures do not want to raise independent children, however, this aspect of parenting was 
specifically discussed by New Zealand European mothers and fathers.  
 “We’d just like her to be a hard-worker and get stuck in and not expect everyone else 
to do everything for her. The current generation gets blamed for wanting everything put on a 
plate for them, so need to make sure she knows how to work hard as well” (Family 1, 
Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
“Giving the girls that security to be strong individuals and never guide them too 
much… so they can make great choices” (Family 2, Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
Additionally, it was found that New Zealand European parents believed that their advice 
around the raising of their grandchildren was not a necessary component of their family 
dynamic. Instead, it was preferred that their own children found their way independently.  
“My mother has been really good at not doing that, and just letting us find our own 
way and that is a really good thing. If they ask for advice sure, but we’d probably just let 
them do it their way because I’m not sure if it’s a grandparents place to say” Family 2, 
Father, New Zealand European).  
 
“I’ve actually thought about this because I don’t want to be that dominant parent that 
tries to enforce my ways on them… I’d wait for them to come to me about any questions they 
might have about their children” (Family 2, Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
	 74	
Interestingly, alongside the notion of raising an independent child, New Zealand European 
mothers and fathers emphasized the importance of abandoning gender stereotypes of their 
child. This was described in a number of ways, such as allowing their child to play with any 
toy, chose their favourite colour and aspire to work in any industry.  
“We try not to introduce gender stereotypes into our parenting. There is nothing that 
is just for girls or just for boys. She can do anything, and is not limited by her gender” 
(Family 1, Mother, New Zealand European).  
 
 “We have never tried to guide them much into what they should be playing with as 
girls, and we try to give them that freedom of choice” (Family 2, Mother, New Zealand 
European).  
 
Māori.	As shown in Figure 3, Māori parents took a relaxed approach to parenting and 
were less likely to describe their parenting practices as strict or firm. This is evidenced in the 
following quote from a New Zealand European/Māori father.	
“We are not all about strictness and discipline, we are about caring and creativity 
and fair amount of chaos” (Family 4, Father, Māori/New Zealand European). 
  
Additionally, all of the Māori parents had partners who identified as New Zealand European. 
This meant that relaxed parenting was often identified when comparing parenting practices to 
the other primary parent, and this finding was consistent for both mothers and fathers. Both 
Māori mothers and fathers were more likely than their partners to emphasize a relaxed 
parenting style, suggesting this may be a distinctive parenting practice among Māori parents.  
	 75	
“I absolutely love them and they know that, and probably not as strict as I could be. 
There is probably a good balance because [father] is a lot more strict than I am” (Family 3, 
Mother, Māori/New Zealand European). 
 
 “I am a believer in children finding their own boundaries, so I’m pretty loose to an 
extent. But where I can see that they are going to cause themselves a lot of harm, I’ll 
intervene, otherwise I’m quite happy to let them explore their own boundaries” (Family 5, 
Father, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
Among the parents who identified as Māori, there was only one family who discussed co-
sleeping with their children as a part of their bed-time routine. This was said to be an 
important part of their parenting, as it allowed their child to feel safe when they fell asleep.  
“As an example, we co-slept with our kids, and some parents go through sleep 
training and all that, and we don’t do that” (Family 4, Father, Māori/New Zealand 
European).  
 
“I probably co-slept with him a bit longer because having another kid made it a bit 
more complicated… When we got sick or his teeth came through, we went back to it because 
it was easier than having him awake half the night… Just giving them a safe association with 
sleep” (Family 4, Mother, New Zealand European, partner is Māori/New Zealand 
European).  
 
Additionally, other parents who identified as Māori also discussed the importance of raising 
children to feel safe in their own environment, particularly in the home setting.  
	 76	
“… I guess it’s just about keeping them safe and making sure they feel loved and 
giving them opportunities and things” (Family 3, Mother, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
Similarly, Māori parents also discussed their parenting through the use of affectionate love 
with their children. This is not to say that other cultural groups disregard affectionate love 
with their children, it was just emphasized within this particular group of parents.  
“I think I was raised in a time where parenting was about feeding your children, 
dressing them and sending them to school… providing basics for life, but not loving them as 
much or expressing that love and my approach is probably flipped up the other way” (Family 
5, Father, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
 “Dad and I had a different connection, so we always used to hug a lot when I was 
younger… So I guess I’m quite affectionate with my girls, and that’s probably something 
that’s come from dad” (Family 3, Mother, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
Additionally, Māori parents discussed the difficulty of participating in and accessing Māori 
based cultural activities and organisations in the area of Christchurch.  
 “When I was looking for pre-schools for her… a bilingual one… they had a 
prerequisite that there had to be total immersion, and whilst we do a certain amount 
ourselves with te reo in the home, the location was a bit far from where we were. I haven’t 
sort of ignored it, and I suppose it’s just hard to tap into some of those things in 
Christchurch” (Family 3, Mother, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
Similarly, one Māori father expressed his disappointment with the disconnect of cultural 
identity that takes place in his area of Christchurch. 
	 77	
 “In Cashmere a lot of the older girl’s peers are predominately European Pakeha so 
it’s not cool to be Māori I suppose. They are not encouraged to wear their culture on their 
sleeve which is a shame” (Family 5, Father, Māori/New Zealand European).  
 
Whilst all parents who identified as Māori discussed the implementation of a number of other 
cultural practices, such as the use of te reo Māori in the home setting or visiting their marae, 
some parents indicated that the discriminatory practices experienced by previous generations 
has limited their ability to know more about Māori culture. It is possible that these 
discriminatory practices may have impacted this generation of Māori parents as they may be 
limited in the types of practices that they can share and pass onto their child, as they are 
either re-learning cultural practices themselves or beginning to appreciate the world of Māori 
culture.  
“He’s of an age where he grew up in a time where speaking te reo wasn’t encouraged 
or an accepted thing at school. So he’s quite shy and introverted, he wasn’t embracing that 
and didn’t pass a lot of it on when I grew up” (Family 3, Mother, Māori/New Zealand 
European).   
 
Asian.	There was one parenting practice that was similar for Indian and Chinese 
parents. As shown in Figure 3, Indian and Chinese parents discussed their bed-time routines 
for their children to typically take place between 8pm and 9pm. This was often attributed to a 
number of reasons, such as this time period being quite mainstream back in their home 
country, or the later bed-time allowed parents to spend more time with their children in the 
evenings before bed. 	
 
	 78	
 “…Being Indian, it’s a different sleeping patterns to here in New Zealand… So 
normally in India, you can say 8pm or 9pm is quite late sleeping but in New Zealand, 7pm is 
the normal bed time and you have to be in bed…So I try to maintain a sleeping routine for 
her and sometimes I fail and normally she is in bed by 8pm” (Family 6, Mother, Indian).  
 
 “We want her to go to bed before 9pm. We try to maintain that routine… So like 6pm-
6.30pm we cook dinner and eat together. Around 8pm we are cooking, watching TV, talking 
with each other, asking ‘how was your day?’ and things and try to be on before 9pm (Family 
6, Father, Indian).  
 
 “About 6pm to 6.30pm they would get ready for bed for about 8.30pm or 9pm” 
(Family 8, Mother, Chinese).   
 
In the following section, parenting practices of Indian and Chinese families will be described 
and then compared to each other.   
  
Indian.	One aspect of Indian culture that was significantly emphasized among the 
parents was the practice of respect for others and self-respect. Whether the discussion 
revolved around family members, an elder, or a person from another culture, it was stressed 
that respect was of the upmost importance. 	
“If we met with anybody in our family, mothers, sisters and brothers, we would try to 
respect and don’t argue with our elders. Even if they are saying something wrong, we don’t 
argue” (Family 6, Father, Indian).  
 
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 “It’s hard for girls to feel that importance in society so we need to tell them that they 
are very important and you have to have that self-respect and nobody can tell you otherwise” 
(Family 7, Mother, Indian).  
 
Among the two families, religious practices, such as praying and attending religious services, 
were discussed as important values to maintain and teach their children whilst living in 
Aotearoa New Zealand.  
“So we are a strong believer in God and we preach our own God but we go to church 
and if there is a mosque we will go, if there is a temple, we will go…she [daughter] knows 
that she spends 4-5 minutes with [wife] and bows her head to the God and says thank-you” 
(Family 7, Father, Indian).  
 
 “My daughter prays, she prays our Hindu, and knows who our God is…she knows 
that is really very important for me and that really matters to me because God is one” 
(Family 6, Mother, Indian).    
 
One of the Indian families held school and tertiary education in high regard. They 
emphasized their desire for their child to do well in school and move onto a really well 
recognised University degree. As described by the father of this family, schooling for the 
Indian culture is a priority.  
“In India, schooling is a must. We try to put everybody in a very good school; that is 
the main thing if you want your child to be a doctor or a lawyer you know” (Family 6, 
Father, Indian).  
 
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“I want my child to be a lawyer… I want her to study and do very well. We want her 
to do on a top level and do the good job. Focus on study and focus on a very good degree. I 
want her to focus on life” (Family 6, Father, Indian).  
 
Interestingly, there were some differences between the two Indian families. Whilst these 
differences are not unusual in such a small sample size, these differences may also be related 
to the time spent living in Aotearoa New Zealand. One family reported residing in Aotearoa 
New Zealand for approximately five years, whilst the other family has lived in Aotearoa New 
Zealand for over a decade. One of the main differences included their beliefs about the 
importance of sharing knowledge with their child about Indian culture. More specifically, 
both the mother and father in Family 6 emphasized that it was important for their child to 
understand Indian culture and way of life, however, this was not emphasised by Family 7. 
 
Family 6:  
 “I want her to be able to explain Indian culture, and explain where her parents came 
from and she can participate in it… I want her to go every Sunday to temple, and we pray to 
God and she listens and she has to learn. Indian roots are from there, and we want her to 
know” (Father, Indian). 
 
Family 7:  
 “We are not parents that hold onto [daughter] and say that we have to do this 
because we come from India. But we educate her… whether it’s religiously or about our 
gods... and if they want to go to church, I’ll be more than happy to go with them. It’s not 
something I’m going to enforce, they should know where our roots come from, that’s the only 
education I want to give them. Then it’s their life, they are individuals” (Mother, Indian). 
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Chinese.	Chinese parents emphasized their intention to disengage from the strict 
Chinese culture that they experienced growing up in China. In particular, both the mother and 
father made a conscious effort to raise their children in a less strict environment in Aotearoa 
New Zealand. They attributed this to a typical New Zealand’s parenting style, which was 
described as “very relaxed”.  	
“We don’t want to give very strict rules to the children. That’s what we learnt from 
our culture… It’s okay over there because everyone was the same over in China, but now our 
children live in a different environment, we want to change and we don’t want to follow our 
parents” (Family 8, Mother, Chinese).  
 
The importance of extended family was also discussed during the interview with Chinese 
parents. The mother emphasised her grandmother’s presence during her childhood in China, 
and how she was a very significant part of her life growing up. After the interview was 
finished, the mother was curious to know more about the culture in Aotearoa New Zealand, 
particularly for New Zealand Europeans, in regards to the wider family and their involvement 
in a child’s life. For instance, she joked about how in Aotearoa New Zealand, you almost 
need to make an appointment in order to see the grandparents. She expressed that she did not 
want to lose that part of Chinese culture, and it was important for her child to remain close to 
their grandparent’s (who live in Aotearoa New Zealand), and prioritize the relationships with 
the extended family.  
 
Moreover, it was expressed that the immediate family was a significant structure, and one 
that small and big sacrifices have to be made for. For instance, as work ethic was highly 
regarded, this meant that the father was away from the family for long periods of the day 
	 82	
during the week and weekend. However, it was just as important to make time for family, 
even if it meant sacrificing a day of income.  
“We close the shop on Saturdays, and many people can’t understand why, because 
for business, Saturday would be very busy, and it’s true, you can make a lot of money on 
Saturdays. But I was proud of my husband because he made the decision to shut on Saturday 
because he realised that family time is so important. It’s for our family because the children 
do not see their father much” (Family 8, Mother, Chinese).  
 
As demonstrated throughout this Chapter, the qualitative data complements the quantitative 
data, as they both highlight the potential similarities and differences in parenting practices 
and perceptions of children’s social competence for the three dominant cultural groups living 
in Aotearoa New Zealand.   
 
 
 
  
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Chapter Five: Discussion 
 
This study aimed to understand the parenting practices and similarities and differences used 
by New Zealand European, Māori and Asian (Chinese and Indian) cultural groups living in 
Aotearoa New Zealand. The study also examined whether the differences and similarities 
among parent’s reports of their child’s social competence in relation to their cultural 
grouping. The cultural groups included in this study are reflective of the three dominant 
cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand. As previously noted, culture has a unique and 
significant impact on the types of parenting that families choose to use. Additionally, 
parenting practices are often considered a crucial factor in contributing to the different social 
competencies that children elicit. Given the lack of research in the field and lack of 
understanding about the parenting practices used by parents of the three dominant cultures in 
Aotearoa New Zealand, this study aimed to examine the associations between parenting 
practices and children’s social competence and how these two dimensions may be influenced 
by culture. The first section of this discussion will describe key findings related to mothers’ 
and fathers’ parenting practices and whether they are associated with children’s social 
competence. The second section will describe the key findings for the relationship between 
culture and parenting practices. The final section will focus on the role of culture in regards 
to children’ social competence. These sections will discuss the key findings in relation to 
previous research, as well as highlight the unique contributions of this study. Additionally, 
strengths of the study, limitations, implications and future research will be discussed.   
 
Mothers’ and Fathers’ Parenting Practices and Children’s Social Competence 
The first aim of the research study was to examine the similarities and differences between 
mothers’ and fathers’ parenting practices, and how this is associated with children’s social 
competence. The first findings illustrated that mothers and fathers self-reported parenting 
	 84	
styles on the Parenting Practices Questionnaire were similar to each other for all three 
parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian and permissive). These comparisons show that 
mothers’ and fathers’ scores were more similar than different, despite completing the 
questionnaire separately. This finding is consistent with a previous study by Rinaldi and 
Howe (2012), whereby mothers’ and fathers’ self-reports of parenting styles were positively 
correlated with each other on all three parenting styles, particularly for the authoritative 
subscale. However, they also found that, whilst still comparable, mothers and fathers scores 
on the authoritarian and permissive subscales differed slightly (Rinaldi & Howe, 2012). This 
was somewhat replicated in the current study, as mothers’ scores on the authoritarian 
subscale were slightly higher than fathers’, however, permissive scores remained the same. 
One explanation for mothers having a slightly higher authoritarian score than fathers may be 
due to fathers taking a more relaxed approach to parenting. This explanation is supported by 
the comments made by a number of fathers in the interview. This may result in mothers 
having to use practices such as arguing with their child or raising their voice in order to 
balance their parenting roles to communicate rules and expectations to their child.. Overall, 
mothers and fathers were more likely to report the use of an authoritative parenting style, and 
authoritarian and permissive were the two less favourable parenting styles.  
 Likewise, there was congruency between mothers and fathers and their reports about 
their child’s social competence. Both mothers and fathers reported that their child displayed 
high levels of emotional regulation by using behaviours such as accepting things not going 
their way or calming themselves down when worked up. Similar congruency was found for 
mothers’ and fathers’ reports of their child’s prosocial skills/communication skills, including 
their child’s ability to share and take turns with others. Overall, both mothers and fathers 
reported that their child displayed high levels of positive emotional regulation and prosocial 
skills/communication skills. However, as these reports were parents’ perceptions of their 
	 85	
child’s social competence, the results are to be interpreted with caution. For instance, it is 
possible that parent’s responded about their child in a socially desirable manner, and wanted 
to perceive their child in a favourable light. Secondly, as parents are predominately observing 
their children in the home context, there may be less opportunities for their child to 
demonstrate a variety of emotional regulation skills and prosocial/communication skills. As 
previously shown by Lawson, Nissley-Tsiopinis, Nahmias, McConaughy, and Eiraldi (2017), 
parents were more likely to rate their children’s attentive levels higher than the children’s 
teachers, as inattentive behaviours may be more present in the classroom setting. Thus, future 
research may benefit from incorporating a teacher report, as the school context provide 
children with more opportunities for children to demonstrate emotional regulation skills and 
prosocial/communication skills.  
  This study found that fathers who used more parenting behaviours that were 
considered authoritative were more likely to rate their child as using more prosocial and 
communication skills. Interestingly, this relationship was not found for mothers who had an 
authoritative parenting style. This finding differs to that of Tavassolie et al. (2016), who 
found that, for mothers and fathers, authoritative parenting practices were more likely to lead 
to positive outcomes for their children in regards to their externalizing and internalizing 
behaviours. Additionally, warm and inductive parenting practices from both mothers and 
fathers has shown to lead to positive adaptive skills in children (Ruiz-Ortiz et al., 2017). In 
regards to the parents in the current study, it is possible that positive parenting practices 
displayed by fathers have a significant role to the play in the development of children’s 
prosocial skills/communication skills. However, as this relationship was not found for 
mothers, it is possible that mothers in the study held higher expectations for their children’s 
behaviours. Moreover, fathers in the interviews portrayed a more relaxed approach to 
parenting. This may suggest that fathers feel less obligated to put pressure on their children. 
	 86	
In contrast, mothers in the interviews held higher expectations for their children’s behaviour, 
and may have had a stricter criteria for rating their child’s prosocial/communication skills.    
 Overall, mothers and fathers scores for their reported parenting practices and their 
child’s social competence were congruent with one another. As there are few studies that 
have compared mothers’ and fathers’ parenting practices and their reports of their child’s 
social competence, these findings are considered an important contribution to the field as 
they provide information about some of the similarities and differences between the two 
parents. This is considered important in improving our understanding about how mothers’ 
and fathers’ interpret their child’s social competence, as well why these potential differences 
and similarities may exist.  
	
The Role of Culture on Parenting Practices  
 
The second aim of the research study was to examine the role of culture on parenting 
practices and children’s social competence among New Zealand European, Māori and Asian 
parents living in Aotearoa New Zealand. For the purpose of this discussion, four themes will 
be described to demonstrate the similarities and differences between cultures: routine-based 
parenting, parenting practices, cultural practices and cultural identity, and the importance of 
family/whānau.  
 
Routine-based parenting.	The findings of this study indicated that all three cultures 
had an overlapping common parenting practice. All parents indicated that the implementation 
of a routine based structure for their parenting was an essential part of their parenting 
practices (see Figure 3; page 63). Moreover, it was considered necessary by New Zealand 
European, Māori and Asian parents to maintain and continue a structured routine, particularly 
around their child’s dinner time and bed-time, in order to make sure they, as parents, were 
less stressed, and their children understood what tasks were needed to be completed for a 
	 87	
smooth transition into the next part of the day/evening. This was considered an important 
finding, as no known previous research has identified similar common parenting practices 
across three different cultures. This finding is important to recognise, as it is not only an 
original contribution to the research internationally and in Aotearoa New Zealand, but it 
allows for an insight into the applicability of routine-based parenting practices, and suggests 
that no matter the cultural grouping, planned and consistent routines are an important 
parenting practice when raising children. 	
Despite all three cultures maintaining a routine-based structure around bed-times, this 
does not imply that the routines are the same for each culture. For instance, New Zealand 
European and Māori parents indicated that 7.30pm was the latest time in which their children 
were to be in bed. In comparison, Asian parents were more likely to state that their children’s 
bed time was approximately 8pm to 9pm. Interestingly, these parents knew that this bed-time 
was later than other children from different cultures, and they believed a later bed-time may 
be influenced by the ‘normal’ time children were in bed in their home country. These typical 
bed-time hours were discussed by Mindell, Sadeh, Wiegand, How, and Goh (2010), who 
found that children living in China and India were more likely to have bed-times of 
approximately 10pm, whereas children residing in Aotearoa New Zealand were more likely 
to have bedtimes of approximately 7.30pm. 
 Although routines were considered important by all parents in the study, the role of 
culture still plays a part in the types of routines that are used by parents. This finding on bed-
time routines is a reminder that, whilst routines are necessary for all parents, cultural norms 
have a significant impact on what is considered normal from culture to culture.  
 
Parenting practices.	As shown in Figure 3 (page 63), New Zealand European and 
Asian parents were more likely to allude to the use of a firmer parenting style in comparison 
	 88	
to Māori parents. Whilst New Zealand European and Asian parents did not explicitly express 
that they were actively pursuing a firm parenting style, they did express the importance of 
setting rules and boundaries for their children. However, despite these discussions of rules 
and boundaries, the Chinese family expressed their desire to parent their child in a style more 
comparable to New Zealand European parents, which they described as relaxed and easy-
going, rather than the strict parenting style used by their parents in China. Cheah et al. (2013) 
also discussed the use of harsher disciplinary parenting practices in China and found that 
Chinese parents were able to make direct comparisons between Chinese parenting and 
American parenting. Although relaxed and easy-going was not attributable to New Zealand 
European or Chinese parents as found by the interview data, parent reports on the Parenting 
Practices Questionnaire found that Chinese parents were more authoritative than New 
Zealand European parents, despite previous research describing Chinese parents as 
predominately authoritarian (Lee et al., 2014). This finding is consistent with a previous 
finding by Yu et al. (2016), who found that Chinese parents who adopted an American 
orientation to their parenting were more likely to show traits of an authoritative parenting 
style. Therefore, these finding may be explained by the conscious effort that the Chinese 
family were making to move away from the strict parenting that they witnessed and grew up 
with in China to describing their practices as more authoritative, such as being easy going 
and relaxed with their child.	
 In regards to firmer parenting practices used by Indian parents, one Indian family 
emphasised their desire for their daughter to achieve high levels of academic success, 
particularly in regards to their daughter becoming a lawyer. This finding was replicated by 
Jambunathan (2006), who found that Indian parents often felt inclined to pressure their 
children to achieve highly in their academic work. This was said to be common in India, as 
competitive schooling is often based on high grade point averages (Jambunathan, 2006). 
	 89	
However, the Indian family in the study also emphasised that they would not be disappointed 
if their daughter chose otherwise. Interestingly, some of these findings did not align with 
parent’s responses on the Parenting Practices Questionnaire. Whilst New Zealand European 
and Chinese parents reported a higher use of authoritarian parenting practices, Indian parents 
were much less likely to report the use of authoritarian parenting practices, despite their 
emphasis on rules and expectations for their children in the interviews. This may be because 
reporting on the Parenting Practices Questionnaire has the potential for these parents to 
project a more socially desirable parenting style, whereas discussions in the interviews were 
able to gather much more information on the average day to day practices of these parents 
and the important influence of culture on their parenting practices. Thus, it is important for 
future research to continue to include methodological approaches that allow for the 
triangulation of data. 
In comparison to New Zealand European and Asian parents, Māori parents were more 
likely to describe their parenting as more relaxed and laid back, such as allowing their 
children to find their own boundaries and experimenting with a variety of rules to find the 
best fit for their child. As there is limited previous research on Māori parenting practices, it is 
harder to determine whether this parenting practice is more common among Māori, or a 
unique finding of the parents in the current study. In another finding, one Māori family 
discussed their desire to co-sleep with their child, as they believed it was what was best for 
their child, particularly when their child was sick and needed a parent close by. Similarly, 
Jones et al. (2017) found that as Māori parents did not want to wake in the night to attend to 
their child, they found co-sleeping to be more of a convenience factor.  
 It is important to recognise and appreciate the role that culture plays on the types of 
parenting practices that are used by parents from different cultures. In particular, parents who 
have migrated from their home country to Aotearoa New Zealand are likely to be adjusting to 
	 90	
new cultural norms and a new way of life. Therefore, parents may maintain parenting 
practices, such as the same bed time for their child, as their home country. This may be 
because these are routines that occur within the four walls of their home. It is possible that 
they feel safe continuing these routines as no one else is able to see these differences. 
Therefore, with other parenting practices, they may be less likely to engage in more typical 
practices of their home country that occur out in public for fear of being judged.	 
These findings demonstrate the considerable variations that exist between parents of 
different cultures, despite living in the same country. These comparisons between cultures are 
unique to the research internationally and in Aotearoa New Zealand, and provide a solid base 
for interpreting the role of culture and how certain aspects are able to be both maintained and 
adjusted by parents who stand by their cultural norms, or those who wish to challenge them. 
 
Cultural practices and cultural identity. Both Māori and Chinese parents 
emphasized the important of teaching and passing on cultural practices to their child, such as 
the use of native language and religious practices. More specifically, Māori parents often 
discussed the use of te reo Māori in the household, as it was important that their child is able 
to recognise Māori kupu (words) and use the correct pronunciation. Additionally, some 
Māori parents believed that encouraging their child to participate in different cultural 
activities, such as various marae visits or kapa haka, were beneficial for learning and 
maintaining knowledge about Māori culture. However, some parents found it more difficult 
to tap into resources in their local area/region that would allow for Māori practices to be 
shared amongst their children. Additionally, one Māori family expressed their 
disappointment in the lack of pride shown for Māori culture in the area in which they reside. 
It was expressed that their child felt discouraged to wear her Māori culture “on her sleeve” by 
peers and teachers, and found it difficult to take pride in her cultural identity. This finding is 
important to recognise, as Māori children’s self-esteem about their cultural identity may be 
	 91	
affected by those individuals around them. This has the potential for less cultural practices to 
be passed on and later used by these children in the future. Despite these challenges, the 
inclusion of Māori culture in the household was typically at the forefront of parent’s 
practices, and served as a great deal of importance for many parents. As there are no known 
studies that include the importance of maintaining cultural practices for Māori with their 
children, these findings are an important original contribution to the research and provide 
some rich and detailed insight into the types of practices that Māori parents find important to 
implement and pass onto their children. Additionally, these findings highlight some of the 
barriers that Māori face in maintaining their cultural identity and practices. 
Chinese and Indian parents regarded the use of their native language (i.e. Cantonese 
or Hindi) with their child as an important practice. For most of these parents, they actively 
taught their children to be completely bilingual. Māori, Chinese and Indian parents 
emphasized the necessity for maintaining their native language as a way for their child to 
understand culture and increase their cultural awareness. Additionally, Chinese and Indian 
parents placed their cultural practices in high regard, as they wanted to ensure that their 
children were able to competently discuss their family’s history and confidently participate in 
religious practices and ceremonies. However, there seemed to be an external factor which 
influenced the extent to which children were taught cultural practices. For instance, one of 
the Indian families were more likely to express their desire to maintain Indian culture, such as 
teaching Hindi to their child and attending religious ceremonies. In comparison, the other 
Indian family felt less inclined to actively teach Indian practices and traditions to their 
children, with the exception of religious practices. An explanation for the differences in these 
parenting practices within the same culture may relate to the length of the time the families 
had been living in Aotearoa New Zealand. One of the Indian families had only resided in 
Aotearoa New Zealand for approximately 5 years, whereas the other family had lived in 
	 92	
Aotearoa New Zealand for over 10 years. A previous study found that the time spent in a 
foreign country was an influencing factor for the types of behaviours that one exhibits, 
particularly with parenting practices (Farver et al., 2007). Therefore, the length of time 
residing in Aotearoa New Zealand may be a contributing factor to parent’s inclination to 
emphasize the need for teaching and adhering to Indian culture.  
These findings recognise how important it is for Māori, Chinese and Indian parents to 
teach, practice and adhere to cultural practices with their child, as the role of culture plays a 
significant part in the day to day practices that children experience. For instance, despite 
living in Aotearoa New Zealand for 5-10 years, Indian parents wanted their children to speak 
their native language and pray to their God every morning and evening. This demonstrates 
the significance of maintaining and upholding traditions in order to remain connected to their 
home country and culture. These findings provide an original contribution to the research on 
cultural practices among Chinese and Indian parents living in Aotearoa New Zealand.  
 
Importance of family/whānau.	Māori and Asian parents often expressed the 
importance of the wider family/whānau. Due to the Indian parents and Chinese parents being 
migrants to Aotearoa New Zealand, their wider families were typically living back in their 
home countries. Whilst they often expressed a feeling of disconnect to their families due to 
the lack of proximity, it was considered important to remain close to these family members, 
whether this was through visiting or regularly Skyping. Inman et al. (2007) found that this 
feeling of disconnect was a common occurrence for those who have migrated to a different 
country away from family. In particular, people considered their cultural continuity, familial 
guidance and support systems to be lost. However, despite living away from family, the 
parents in the current study expressed their love for Aotearoa New Zealand as a country, and 
did not discuss plans of permanently returning home. Additionally, Indian parents often 
discussed the importance of showing respect to elders in the family. More specifically, 
	 93	
respect was described as not questioning the intentions of an elder, regardless of if you think 
their actions are wrong. This belief is potentially unique to Indian culture, as there were no 
other explicit discussions made by other cultural groups about the importance of respecting 
elder’s decisions. Similarly, Tuli (2012) found that respect for elders was a domain of 
practice in the Indian culture was considered non-negotiable. 	
Surprisingly, emphasis on the wider whānau was less prominent among Māori parents 
in comparison to Asian parents. Whilst there were some instances where parents alluded to 
the importance of whānau, such as seeing wider family members at family gatherings, it was 
far less emphasized in comparison to previous research. For instance, Abel et al. (2001) 
found that Māori parents were highly likely to emphasise the importance of their wider 
whānau for aspects such as advice, support and connection. However, Tipene-Leach et al. 
(2000) found that when Māori parents adhered to a more New Zealand European approach to 
parenting, they were less likely to emphasis the wider whānau for areas such as support and 
advice. Therefore, it should be noted that Māori parents in the present study identified as 
Māori/New Zealand European, and their significant others (i.e. partners) identified as New 
Zealand European. It is possible that this identification leads to different parenting practices, 
as previous research has primarily studied more traditional two-parent Māori families, or 
individuals who identify as exclusively Māori. Perhaps the influence of a New Zealand 
European partner, along with the challenges in maintaining Māori cultural practices and 
identity in the current location the family are living, means that these families are more likely 
to use parenting practices that are more widely accepted.	In this case, New Zealand European 
practices. 
In comparison to Māori and Asian parents, New Zealand European parents were less 
likely to emphasize the importance of the wider family. Likewise, Witten et al. (2009) found 
that New Zealand European parents did not tend to seek out support and guidance from wider 
	 94	
family members, as they preferred to seek support and guidance from professionals, such as 
doctors and nurses. In the current study, New Zealand European parents were less inclined to 
seek support, and often preferred their family members to limit the amount of advice given 
whilst raising their children. Although these parents expressed love and admiration for their 
family members, they often stated that they would prefer to raise their child independently as 
mother and father, and seek out support from family when they believed it may be necessary. 
New Zealand European’s preference to raise their child independently of the advice of their 
wider family may have been an approach that their parents also took. Moreover, this finding 
corresponds with similar findings in this study, where New Zealand European parents 
expressed desire for their child to grow up independently and learn for themselves.  
These findings demonstrate the role that culture plays on the importance of the wider 
family/whānau. In particular, they show that whilst previous research involving Māori 
emphasises the importance of the wider whānau, cultural practices can be influenced and 
adjusted according to the other cultures that they are connected to, such as the relationships 
between Māori and New Zealand European parents. More specifically, Kukutai (2007) found 
that traditional cultural practices among Māori can start to diminish when the parental 
identities are predominately New Zealand European (e.g. Māori/New Zealand European and 
New Zealand European), much like the identification of parents in the current study. 
The current study provides a large contribution to the research in Aotearoa New 
Zealand regarding parenting practices. Whilst there have been a small number of previous 
research studies investigating the influence of culture on parenting practices in Aotearoa New 
Zealand (Abel et al., 2001; Tipene-Leach et al., 2000), these studies did not include the Asian 
population, despite their cultural dominance in Aotearoa New Zealand.   
 
	  
	 95	
The Role of Culture on Children’s Social Competence 
	
The final aim of the study was to determine how the role of culture influences parents’ 
reports of their child’s social competence. Interestingly, New Zealand European, Chinese and 
Indian parents all had positive perceptions of their child’s emotional regulation skills. 
However, although they were similar, Indian parents viewed their child’s emotional 
regulation as slightly higher than the other cultural groups. The findings from Montemayor 
and Ranganathan (2012) may explain this result, as they found that Indian parents often 
attributed their children’s positive behaviour to their own parenting in order to maintain 
positive feelings about themselves as parents. In comparison, Māori parents viewed their 
child’s emotional regulations skills lower than the other cultural groups. However, this may 
have been influenced by one family reporting that their child has a diagnosis of attention 
deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), which has the potential to lower the average score for 
this cultural group, as it has been shown that children with ADHD symptoms are less likely 
than typically developing children to use high levels of emotional regulation skills (Lugo-
Candelas, Flegenheimer, McDermott, & Harvey, 2017).  
 New Zealand European, Māori and Chinese parents all believed their child displayed 
relatively high levels of prosocial skills and communication skills. In comparison, Indian 
parents perceived that their child used more prosocial skills and communication skills than 
the other cultural groups. Again, it is possible that the Indian parents in the present study 
continued to attribute their children’s positive behaviour to their own parenting, resulting in 
higher ratings of their child’s emotional regulation skills and prosocial and communication 
skills. However, in the interviews with Indian parents, it was often expressed that their 
children are to follow rules and be respectful of everyone, including elders, other children, 
and other people from different cultures. This may suggest that these children demonstrate 
	 96	
more prosocial skills/communication skills than children from other cultural groups because 
of the high expectations that the Indian families placed on these behaviours.  
 The findings in the current study are an original contribution to the research on the 
role of culture and parents’ reports of their children’s social competence among New Zealand 
European and Māori parents, as well as Indian and Chinese families living in Aotearoa New 
Zealand. These findings allow for comparisons to be made across cultures, and identify how 
culture can play a role towards parents’ responses in regards to their child’s social 
competence.  
 
Implications for the New Zealand Population 
As this research study explores parenting practices from individuals who represent a 
significant portion of the Aotearoa New Zealand population, there are a number of 
implications that are worthy of discussion. Firstly, the findings show that the consideration of 
culture is important when examining the types of parenting practices that are used by parents 
in Aotearoa New Zealand. Therefore, services who work with parents throughout Aotearoa 
New Zealand (e.g. Plunket and Oranga Tamariki) may like to consider examining the 
different ways cultural groups approach their parenting practices. More specifically, the 
findings will help to inform professionals working with children and parents to be empathetic 
of some of the challenges that parents may face in their everyday lives, such as separation 
from wider family support networks who are living back in their home country and barriers to 
engaging in important Māori practices such as te reo. These findings have implications for 
the types of opportunities that are provided to these parents, as connections and networking 
may help to build important relationships with others in order to feel supported in using 
various cultural practices. Secondly, the findings validate the importance of maintaining 
cultural practices in Aotearoa New Zealand, particularly for cultural groups who have moved 
	 97	
away from their home country. For instance, festivals (such as Holi) and ceremonies should 
be maintained and continued to be celebrated for those parents who wish to continue these 
practices with their children whilst living in Aotearoa New Zealand. Thirdly, some of the 
Māori families expressed the difficulty for not only themselves, but their children, to share 
their cultural identity. Therefore, it is important for educators and other professionals who 
work with children and parents to promote important elements of Māori culture and 
encourage the use of cultural practices outside of the home. Through the practice of 
manaakitanga (respect, support, kindness), professionals working with parents and children 
will be able to recognise and affirm the cultural identity of the person they are working with 
and create an environment for one to feel as though their cultural identity is worthy and 
respected. Lastly, these findings have the potential to strengthen community ties, as people 
may begin to discover and appreciate the similarities and differences that cultural groups 
share. This has the potential for communities to feel more connected, as parents may discover 
that they have more in common with other parents in the community than previously thought.   
 
Strengths of the Study  
	
The current study has many strengths worth mentioning. Firstly, the present study included 
the use of questionnaires and an interview measure to examine the role of culture on 
parenting practices and children’s social competence. The inclusion of a mixed method 
approach was critical in obtaining rich data and personal experiences directly from families 
living in Aotearoa New Zealand about the way they choose to parent. It allowed for clear 
understandings of the role of culture, and the two methodologies supported one another, 
producing descriptive and informative results that were triangulated. Secondly, a vital 
contribution to the research includes the inclusion of both mothers and fathers. It was 
important that the present study provided fathers with the opportunity to describe their 
	 98	
parenting practices and report on their child’s social competence, as previous research has 
been limited to the mother’s perspective. Additionally, this allowed for comparisons to be 
made between mothers and fathers in relation to their parenting practices and their child’s 
social competence, which provided a more reliable interpretation of the results. Finally, the 
present study is an original contribution to the field of parenting practices and children’s 
social competence among the three dominant cultures in Aotearoa New Zealand. 
Additionally, it is the first of its kind to compare and contrast, not only New Zealand 
European and Māori, but two differing Asian populations, Chinese and Indian, which are 
dominant in Aotearoa New Zealand. This study provides a solid base for future research to 
build on, particularly with regards to the unique parenting practices that were described by 
parents in this study.  
 
Limitations  
Despite the strengths of the study, there are several limitations worth mentioning. Firstly, the 
small group of families recruited from each culture did not allow differences in the 
quantitative subscales based on cultural groups to be examined. However, although the 
sample size was small, it was considered appropriate for collecting qualitative data, given the 
time intensive nature of the interviews and the in-depth information that was gathered in the 
interviews. Secondly, as mentioned previously, the self-report measures in the present study 
may have influenced self-reporter biases and socially desirable responding. Self-reports on 
parenting practices and their child’s social competence may have allowed parents in the study 
to paint a picture of their ideal self and their ideal child. This had the potential to occur if 
parents believe that their child’s behaviour is a reflection of them and their parenting. 
Additionally, parents were generally basing their ratings off their children’s behaviour 
displayed in the home, rather than reports from others who are with the children in other 
	 99	
social situations (e.g. teachers). However, the high conformity between mothers and fathers 
in this study suggests that parents’ reports are likely to be an accurate description of their 
child’s social competence. Thirdly, the present study was unable to report families as Māori, 
as there was only one parent in the family who identified as Māori/New Zealand European 
and the other parent identified as New Zealand European. This limited the ability for strong 
conclusions to be made about Māori only parenting practices within families, and is not 
considered generalizable to the Māori population. Lastly, the cronbach alpha scores for the 
individual subscales on the Parenting Practices Questionnaire indicated that the authoritarian 
and permissive subscales should be interpreted with caution. Additionally, these subscales 
only included a small number of items, and may not have provided a complete description 
about the different elements of these two parenting styles.  
 
Future Research 
As the sample size for the present study was small, future research should consider a larger 
sample of families in order to have the opportunities to gather more information in regards to 
mothers and fathers parenting practices and their children’s social competence. Future 
researchers should also aim to recruit more families from each cultural group, as well as 
ensuring that those who identify with Māori also have a partner who is Māori. This 
recruitment may require more than just advertisements through flyers or social media, and it 
may be beneficial to actively seek out Māori organisations or communities to ensure a strong 
representation of Māori only parenting practices can be obtained and understood. 
Additionally, due to time constraints to collect in-depth data, this study only examined two 
Asian cultures. Therefore, future research should consider examining the parenting practices 
of parents from all Asian cultures living in Aotearoa New Zealand for further understandings 
of similarities and differences. Furthermore, as it is advised to interpret the self-report data 
	 100	
with caution, future research may benefit from gathering more information about children’s 
social competence from other adults, such as teachers. Moreover, the Parenting Practices 
Questionnaire, while adapted for this study and the NZ context, may still not be an accurate 
reflection of the types of behaviours and practices that are used by parents in Aotearoa New 
Zealand. Therefore, it may be useful to develop measures that tap into the unique parenting 
practices of parents living in Aotearoa New Zealand. Finally, if feasible, the inclusion of 
observational data of both parenting practices and children’s social competence may be 
beneficial to get an objective measure of these behaviours, limiting potential biases. 
However, the inclusion of an interview was critical for the quality of results that were 
obtained in the present study, and should be considered for future studies who wish to 
explore the influence of cultural practices in Aotearoa New Zealand.   
 
Conclusion 
This study was the first of its kind to examine the types of parenting practices used by the 
three dominant cultures represented in Aotearoa New Zealand. The key findings of this study 
demonstrated the similarities and differences in parenting practices and children’s social 
competence among New Zealand European, Māori, and Asian parents living in Aotearoa 
New Zealand. Whilst similarities existed, differences between the cultural groups allowed for 
a more in-depth insight into the role of culture, and how different cultural groups take on 
various values, ideas, and practices when it comes to parenting their child. It is recognized 
that Aotearoa New Zealand is a diverse country, and Aotearoa New Zealand is fortunate 
enough to have the opportunity to examine and reflect on the different parenting practices 
that all parents choose to use. Moreover, whilst there are similarities in the types of parenting 
practices used by all parents in the study, diversity should be encouraged, supported and 
learned from. In conclusion, the findings address the current gap in the literature on the 
	 101	
influence of culture on parenting practices and children’s social competence among the three 
dominant cultural groups in Aotearoa New Zealand.  
	  
	 102	
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	 108	
Appendix A: Advertisement Flyer 
 
 
 
	 109	
Appendix B: Information Sheet – Parents 
 
 
 
 
 
School of Health Sciences  
Telephone: +64 3 3694408 
Email: gabrielle.mulder@pg.canterbury.ac.nz 
June 2018 
 
The Influence of Culture on Parenting Practices and Children’s Social 
Behaviour: A Multiple Case Study 
Information Sheet for Parent 
 
Tēnā Koe,  
 
My name is Gabrielle Mulder and I am a student at the University of Canterbury, studying a Master 
of Arts in Child and Family Psychology. I am the primary researcher facilitating this project and I 
am conducting this project as part of my Master’s thesis.  
 
The purpose of this research study is to explore the differences among New Zealand European, 
Māori and Asian (Chinese, Indian and Filipino) ethnic groups in relation to their parenting 
practices. The research study will also look into the potential differences among young children’s 
social behaviour in relation to their ethnic grouping. The project aims to explore the views of 4-6 
mothers and fathers from each of the ethnic groups. To be eligible to participate in this study, you 
need to identify as either New Zealand European, Māori or Asian descent (Chinese, Indian and 
Filipino) and have a child between the ages of 3-5 years. Additionally, step-parents who have been 
a primary caregiver in the child’s life since birth are also eligible to participate.  
If you choose to take part in this study, your involvement in this project will include participating in 
two questionnaires and a short interview. For the first questionnaire, you will be asked to report on 
different aspects of your parenting practices such as the ways in which you communicate and 
interact with your child. The second questionnaire will ask you to report on the different social 
behaviours your child uses such as they way they communicate and interact with their 
family/whānau and social peers. The two questionnaires will take approximately 30 minutes total to 
complete.  
 
The short interview will include seven questions, and will give you the opportunity to share your 
perception about how your culture has influenced your parenting practices. The interview will take 
approximately 30-40 minutes. With your permission, the interview will be audio recorded in order 
to provide a more accurate representation of your interview and transcribed for data analysis. The 
total participation time for this study will be approximately 1 hour. Both the questionnaires and the 
interview will be completed separately from the other parent of your child. 
 
Participation is voluntary and you have the right to withdraw at any stage without penalty. You may 
ask for your raw data to be returned to you or destroyed at any point. If you withdraw, I will remove 
information relating to you. However, once analysis of raw data starts on 1st August 2018, it will 
become increasingly difficult to remove the influence of your data on the results. 
 
	 110	
The results of the project may be published, but you may be assured of the complete confidentiality 
of data gathered in this investigation: your identity will not be made public without your prior 
consent. To ensure anonymity and confidentiality, your identity will not be revealed to any one 
outside the research team, as there will be no names used for identifying the information. A unique 
code for each family and individual family member will be assigned to both the questionnaires and 
the interview data. No one outside of the research team will be able to have access to your 
information. The interview recordings will be uploaded onto a secure University of Canterbury 
server, which will be password protected. The recordings will be also be transcribed, and then 
deleted from the device. The transcripts will then be stored in a password protected folder on a 
computer and only be accessible to the research team. You will also have the opportunity to view 
your own transcript. Each participant will be given a participant ID number to ensure their 
transcript is confidential. The completed questionnaires will be stored in a securely locked office at 
the University of Canterbury and will only be accessible to the research team. The data will be 
destroyed 5 years after the completion of the project. A thesis is a public document and will be 
available through the UC Library. 
Please indicate to the researcher on the consent form if you would like to receive a copy of the 
summary of results of the project. 
Family Psychology, and supervised by Dr Cara Swit from the School of Health Sciences at the 
University of Canterbury who can be contacted at cara.swit@canterbury.ac.nz. She will be pleased 
to discuss any concerns you may have about participation in the project. 
This project has been reviewed and approved by the University of Canterbury Human Ethics 
Committee, and participants should address any complaints to The Chair, Human Ethics 
Committee, University of Canterbury, Private Bag 4800, Christchurch (human-
ethics@canterbury.ac.nz). 
If you agree to participate in the study, you are asked to complete the consent form and return to 
Gabrielle Mulder, by emailing through a signed copy to gabrielle.mulder@pg.canterbury.ac.nz. If 
you are unable to do so, a hard copy is welcome on the day of participation 
Ngā mihi, 
Gabrielle Mulder  
 
If you would like to seek help or more information about parenting, please contact:  
Plunketline:  
Free advice on child health and parenting issues.  
Phone: 0800 933 922 
Available 7 days a week, 7am – midnight.  
 
Parent Helpline:  
Free helpline for parents/whānau  
Phone: 0800 568 856 
Available 9am – 9pm Monday to Sunday  
 
Healthline:  
	 111	
24-hour advice line proving support for parents/whānau  
Phone: 0800 611 116  
 
If you or your family/whānau are requiring a service that is sensitive to the needs of your 
cultural group, please contact:  
 
Te Puawaitanga ki Ōtoutahi Trust 
Provides a range of health, education and social services that are available for whānau and are 
delivered in their homes. 
Phone: 0800 66 99 57 
Website: www.whanauoraservices.co.nz 
 
Asian Family Services (AFS) 
Provides free, professional, confidential, nationwide face-to-face or telephone support to Asians living 
in New Zealand 
Phone: 0800 862 342 
	
  
	 112	
Appendix C: Ethics Approval 
 
 
 
HUMAN ETHICS COMMITTEE  
Ref: HEC 2018/52 16 July 2018  
Gabrielle Mulder
Health Sciences
UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY  
Dear Gabrielle  
The Human Ethics Committee advises that your research proposal “The Influence of Culture 
on Parenting Practices and Children's Social Behaviour” has been considered and approved.  
Please note that this approval is subject to the incorporation of the amendments you have 
provided in your emails of 25th June and 10th July 2018.  
Best wishes for your project. Yours sincerely  
pp.  
Professor Jane Maidment  
Chair 
University of Canterbury Human Ethics Committee  
  
	 113	
Appendix D: Consent Form – Parents 
 
 
 
Department: School of Health Sciences  
Telephone: +64 3 3694408 
Email: 
gabrielle.mulder@pg.canterbury.ac.
nz 
 
The Influence of Culture on Parenting Practices and Children’s Social Behaviour: A Multiple 
Case Study 
Consent Form for Parent  
 
If you agree to participate in this study, can you please tick the boxes next to each of the statements 
below to confirm that you have read and understood the information: 
 
□ I have been given a full explanation of this project and have had the opportunity to ask 
questions. 
□ I understand what is required of me if I agree to take part in the research. 
□ I understand that participation is voluntary and I may withdraw at any time without 
penalty. Withdrawal of participation will also include the withdrawal of any 
information I have provided should this remain practically achievable. 
□ I understand that any information or opinions I provide will be kept confidential to the 
researcher and the senior supervisor, and that any published or reported results will not 
identify the participants. I understand that a thesis is a public document and will be available 
through the UC Library. 
□ I understand that all data collected for the study will be kept in locked and secure facilities 
and/or in password protected electronic form and will be destroyed after five years. 
□ I understand the risks associated with taking part and how they will be managed. 
□ I understand that I can contact the researcher (Gabrielle Mulder, email: 
gam97@uclive.ac.nz) or supervisor (Cara Swit, email: cara.swit@canterbury.ac.nz; phone: 
+64 3 3694408) for further information. If I have any complaints, I can contact the Chair of 
the University of Canterbury Human Ethics Committee, Private Bag 4800, Christchurch 
(human-ethics@canterbury.ac.nz) 
□ I would like a summary of the results of the project.  
□ By signing below, I agree to participate in this research project. 
 
 
Name:  Signed:  Date: 
  
 
Email address (for report of findings, if applicable): 
  
 
	 114	
Please return to Gabrielle Mulder, by emailing through a signed copy to gam97@uclive.ac.nz. If you 
are unable to do so, a hard copy is welcome on the day of participation	
  
	 115	
Appendix E: Parenting Practices Questionnaire 
 
Parenting Practices Questionnaire (PPQ)  
 
 
Name: ________________________________  
 
Date: _________________________________ 
 
Ethnicity (circle): New Zealand European / Māori / Chinese / Indian / Filipino 
 
Parent Completing Questionnaire (circle): Mother / Father 
 
Gender of your Child (circle): Male / Female  
 
Age of Child: _________ 
	
	
If you have more than one child between the ages of 3-5, please focus on one child whilst answering 
the questionnaires.  
 
Please make one rating per question regarding how often you exhibit this behaviour with your child.  
 
 
 Never  
 
(1) 
Once in a While  
 
(2) 
About Half of 
the Time  
(3) 
Very 
Often  
(4) 
Always  
 
(5) 
I know the name of my child’s friends      
I explain the consequences of my child’s behaviour       
I take into account my child’s preferences in making 
plans for the family 
 
     
I am easy going and relaxed with my child      
I raise my voice when my child misbehaves      
I manage my child’s behaviour by taking away 
privileges with little explanation 
     
I am aware of the problems or concerns about my 
child in school 
     
I give my child reasons why rules should be obeyed      
I argue with my child      
	 116	
I give praise when my child is good      
I allow my child to interrupt others      
I appear confident about my parenting abilities 
 
     
I tell my child what to do 
 
     
I allow my child to give input into family rules      
I show patience with my child 
 
     
I manage my child’s behaviour by putting my child 
somewhere alone with little explanation 
     
I criticize to make my child improve      
I take my child’s desires into account before asking 
my child to do something 
 
     
I allow my child to annoy others      
I appear unsure on how to solve my child’s 
misbehaviours 
     
I joke and play with my child      
I emphasize the reasons for rules      
 
 
  
	 117	
Appendix F: Social Competence Scale – Parent Form 
 
Social Competence Scale – Parent (P – COMP)  
	
	
	
	
	
	
	
	
Please	indicate	how	well	each	of	the	statements	describes	your	child.		
 
 
 Not at all 
 
(1) 
A little 
 
(2) 
Moderately 
Well 
(3) 
Well 
 
(4) 
Very Well 
 
(5)  
My child can accept things not going 
his/her way 
     
My child copes well with failure      
My child thinks before acting      
My child works out problems with 
friends or siblings on his/her own 
     
My child can calm down by 
himself/herself when excited or all wound 
up  
     
My child does what he/she is told what to 
do  
     
My child is very good at understanding 
other people’s feelings  
     
My child controls his/her temper when 
there is a disagreement  
     
My child shares things with others      
My child is helpful to others       
My child listens to others’ points of view      
My child can give suggestions and 
opinions without being bossy  
     
	 118	
 
Appendix G: Interview Questions 
 
Questions  
 
1. Tell me about yourself  
2. What culture/cultural group(s) do you identify with? 
3. How would you describe your parenting style? 
4. Who was your main model for your parenting? 
5. In relation to your child(ren), what are the sleep routines in your household? 
6. How do you think your cultural identify has influenced the way that you parent? 
7. What are some of the key values that guide your parenting? 
8. What advice would you give to your child(ren) about raising and parenting your 
grandchildren (mokopuna)?